Shut ‘Em Down - Georgia State Prisoners on Strike for Human Rights
| Dec 21, 2010 |
Eljeer Hawkins, Bronx, New York
"The stark and sobering reality is that, for reasons largely unrelated to actual crime trends, the American penal system has emerged as a system of social control unparalleled in world history." (Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow, Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness; p.8)
A Rotten Peach
The inmates are also demanding adequate medical care, real access to family and education opportunities.
The work stoppage and non-violent civil disobedience by the prisoners began on December 9th to oppose the inhumane conditions within the Georgia State prison system. The state prisons on lockdown are Hays State Prison in Trion, Macon State Prison in Oglethorpe, Telfair State Prison in Helena and Smith State Prison in Glennville. That is the tip of the iceberg as the organized resistance has reportedly reached other state prisons.
The Georgia penal system has the highest incarceration rate (16%), surpassing the national average. According to the State of Georgia's own statistics, over 8,000 prisoners, or almost a quarter of the prison population, are incarcerated for drug crimes. 66% of those newly incarcerated in 2009 were black. There are 30 prisons in the state system, housing almost 53,000 men and women.
Slavery by Another Name
As the racist segregation policies known as “Jim Crow” were dismantled by the gains of the militant black freedom movement of the 1950s and ‘60s, the prisons were increasingly used by declining U.S. capitalism as a method of control for African-American surplus labor in society. “Between 1970 and 2000 the number of people incarcerated in the United States skyrocketed from 200,000 to 2.3 million, a ten-fold increase. In 1930, 75% of all prison admissions were Caucasian and 22% were African-Americans. In 1992, 29% of the prison admissions were Caucasian; while 51% were African-American and 20% were Hispanic. Today, two-thirds of the prisoners are African-Americans and Hispanics.” (Avakian S, “Racial Disparity Among the Incarcerated,” Law, Social Justice& Global Development Journal)
This is a complete reversal of the incarceration rates under the racially segregated U.S. society of the 1930s. Today, the rate of incarceration of black men is four times higher than in pre-Mandela apartheid South Africa.
Prisons are warehouses for the working class and poor, left behind by the neo-liberal agenda of American capitalism. The onset of the economic downturn, a weak and jobless recovery, and the resulting perpetual mass unemployment have created conditions of misery and uncertainty for millions of working people and youth, particularly for people of color.
It is important to remember that the incarcerated population is not counted in unemployment statistics. The building of prisons as a way of creating jobs in many economically depressed rural communities has been a boon to local elites. Prisons have been increasingly outsourced to private corporations for profit while also enabling the true face of unemployment to remain hidden.
Organizing in Prison
During the prison strike in Georgia, prisoners’ property has been destroyed, hot and cold water have been shut off, some prisoners have been physically attacked, and some have been placed in solitary confinement in “the hole.”
Ben Jealous, president of the NAACP, stated: “We are asking for involvement from the Department of Justice to ensure that the civil rights of these prisoners are protected. It is essential that the Georgia state prison system find a peaceful resolution to this non-violent work stoppage. The inmates’ requests for educational opportunities, pay for their work and access to their families are not unreasonable. Providing these opportunities can help reduce recidivism and ensure that people who have paid their debt to society can return to their communities and become responsible citizens.”
Protest and solidarity campaigns must be built to support the strike, like the newly formed Concerned Coalition to Respect Prisoners’ Rights. Governor Sonny Perdue and Department of Corrections Commissioner Brian Owens must get the message loud and clear: “Hands off the prisoners!” These campaigns should help encourage mass participation by organizing a march on the Georgia state house and governors’ office to demand justice for the prisoners. This type of strike must spread throughout the country to every prison, where the core demands of Georgia prisoners should be taken up and adapted by other struggling inmates to serve as a rallying cry against the inhumane conditions facing all prisoners.
In order to safeguard the prisoners from abuse and avert another Attica, we must build a mass movement to end the new Jim Crow of mass incarceration as social policy. It is urgent that community organizations, unions, social justice activists and the left support full funding for education for prisoners, abolishing the death penalty and ending the racist drug war. We need a broad movement that will enlist young people and working people, particularly people of color, to challenge the naked class rule and racial oppression of big business capitalism. We must break from the parties of big business – both Democrats and Republicans – who are openly promoting the horrible conditions of poverty, unemployment, and violence in our communities, and start to build a mass working-class political alternative. A movement that demands economic justice and real social uplift will strike a mighty blow to decaying American capitalism.
The Georgia prisoners need urgent solidarity campaigns to support their struggle. We must say to Governor Sonny Perdue and Department of Corrections Commissioner Brian Owens: “Hands off the prisoners!” Call them to protest:
Georgia Department of Corrections
Wardens’ numbers at these prisons…
“This is not a race riot. We are all in this together; there are no white inmates, no black inmates, and no Puerto Rican inmates. There are only inmates….”
Next September will mark the 40th anniversary of the Attica state prison uprising, rooted in the political and social awakening of the militant black freedom movement. The Attica uprising called for reform of the physical conditions of prisoners – the basic and moderate reforms denied by the Attica prison leadership and the state under the leadership of Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller. The 1,300 prisoners occupied yard D, taking 39 prison guards as hostages (who remained unharmed), to demand justice and implementation of their demands. Rockefeller decided to take back the prison. On September 13, 1971, a massacre was unleashed by state police. This action was meant to stomp out the revolutionary impulse of the prisoners and within wider society.