Mu

Mu

Tuesday, December 7, 2010

Ralph Nader's latest smug, self-satisfied, stupid idea

Let’s try a quick experiment that no one can stop us from conducting.

It is an important experiment that can spread rapidly and start something of consequence that will be fun and gain attention.

Let’s call it Bookstore by the Box.

Here’s how it works.

I’ll give you my list of book titles for your selection.

Each book title--see attached list--fills a box unopened from the publisher’s warehouse.

The average number of these book titles is twenty four.

Twenty four books of the same title.

No assortment.

You can select any box for purchase--$100 per box--(this includes shipping costs.)

On arrival, you can distribute your box or boxes either for free or at a small price per book—as you choose.

You can give them to anyone you want—individual or institutional, such as school classes or libraries.

Then you immediately become a BOOKSHAKER.

A BOOKSHAKER is a person who gives books away to family, friends and co-workers or utilizes them for door prizes at parties, fund-raising for neighborhood or community organizations, mentoring programs, libraries, texts for study groups or classrooms.

When you receive the books, you make the call.

Most people do not go around giving out books to people they know or would like to know.

A gift of one book—sure—but many books that you like of the same title—no tradition there.

So, we start a tradition and all the wonderful associations that go with it.

Like—starting good conversations about subjects—the beginning of all change starts with conversations.

Like—respecting peoples’ intelligence, including those who argue with you, when you give them a book which makes for a healthy reciprocity.

Like—a lasting way to gift your friends during the upcoming Holiday season.

Books last, unlike a box of chocolates.

Like—beginning a spreading method of book distribution that is decentralized, anywhere and everywhere, uncontrollable by giant box stores or excessive cost.

Like—building small communities of intelligent deliberation and self-education.

Like—proving that the gift relationship is far more fruitful than a commercial one for exchanges that matter.

Like—replacing some small talk with big talk that gets away from sound bytes and kneejerk reactions.

Like—Until you’ve experienced the joy of giving books away, you cannot imagine how rewarding it is.

Like—Enough Already!

Go to the next page and select your favorite books by the box of 24 (twenty four) books of the same title.

Check out the list.

And click here to proceed to the Bookstore by the Box.

Thank you for spreading the word and being such a good sport.

As ever,

Ralph Nader

PS: Please pass the word to friends and family.

The Bookstore by the Box offer ends midnight December 20, 2010.

Click here to make your purchase now.

Selection of books—24 or more to a box of the same title (While Supplies Last)

(HC indicates hard cover. PB indicates paperback.)

1. Cruel and Unusual by Mark Crispin Miller (2004) HC (Searing critique of Bush/Cheney’s New World Order)

2. Command Performance by Jane Alexander (2000) PB (An Actress in the Theater of Washington Politics)

3. The Cheating of America by Charles Lewis and Bill Allison (2002) HC (A galvanizing journey about tax avoidance and evasion by the Super Rich and What You Can Do About It)

4. Democracy at Risk by Jeff Gates (2001) HC (Rescuing Main Street from Wall Street)

5. The Good Years by Walter Lord (1960) PB (The best-selling rendition of America 1900 to 1914)

6. Huey Long by Harry T. Williams (1981) PB (The classic biography of the “Kingfish” and the tumultuous politics of the Twenties and Thirties from Louisiana to FDR’s Washington, D.C.)

7. Natural History of the Rich by Richard Conniff (2003) HC (Just what you can expect from the Upper Crust)

8. Women Pay More by Frances Cerra and Marcia Carroll (1993) PB (And How to Put A Stop to It—eye-opening for the men, but not the women)

9. Freedom for the Thought That We Hate by Anthony Lewis (2008) HC (A popular biography of the First Amendment and the stories and lawsuits that give it judicial spine)

10. Change for America ed. By Mark Green (2009) PB (Liberal policies—the whole nine yards)

11. We Who Dared to Say No to War by Murray Polner (2008) PB

12. Crimes of War by Richard Falk (2006) PB

13. Too Close to Call by Jeffrey Toobin. (2002) HC (The Thirty-Six-Day Battle to Decide the 2000 Election)

14. Uncovering Clinton by Michael Isikoff (2000) PB (A Reporter’s Story of uncovering the Lewinsky Scandal)

15. I Hate George W. Bush Reader by Clint Willis, ed. (2004) PB (part of the infelicitously titled “I Hate… series) (Leading progressives Molly Ivins, William Greider…let loose on “Shrub”)

16. The Triumph of Meanness by Nicolaus Mills (1997) HC (America’s War Against Its Better Self--returning with a vengeance in 2011.)

17. Against the Beast by John Nichols, ed. (2004) PB (A Documentary History of American Opposition to Empire)

18. American Rebels by Jack Newfield, ed. (2004) PB

19. Freedom’s Power by Paul Starr (2007) HC (The True Historic Force of Liberalism)

20. Grassroots Gardening by Donna Schaper (2007) PB (Gardens for sustaining activism)

21. Kidding Around Boston by Helen Byers (2000) PB (What to Do, Where to Go, and How to Have Fun in Boston)

22. Selling Women Short by Liza Featherstone (2005) PB (The Landmark Battle for Workers’ Rights at Wal-Mart)

23. The Cigarette Century by Allan M. Brandt (2009) HC (The Rise, Fall and Deadly Persistence of the Product That Defined America)

24. The Jonathan Schell Reader by Jonathan Schell (2004) PB (On the United States at War and the Fate of the Earth)

25. The Ten Minute Activist by Mission Collective (2006) PB (Easy Ways to Take Back the Planet)

26. University Inc. by Jennifer Washburn (2006) HC (The corporate corruption of Higher Education)

27. Vermont Hiking by Michael Lanza (2005) PB (Day Hikes, Kid-Friendly Trails and Backpacking Treks)

Witch hunt: 2010 vintage


By Staff

Chicago, IL - More than 100 anti-war, labor and solidarity activists rallied and picketed here, Dec. 6. The emergency action was organized by the Chicago-based Committee Against Political Repression after the FBI delivered or declared its intention to give federal grand jury subpoenas to solidarity and anti-war activists in Chicago the week before.

On Dec. 3, the FBI contacted Sarah Smith, a young woman who travelled to Palestine last summer. Though the FBI agent who called Smith said he merely wanted to ask her a few questions, she later found out through a lawyer that she was to be subpoenaed. Sarah’s father, veteran anti-war and solidarity activist Stan Smith, read a statement on Sarah’s behalf and also made his own statement against the harassment of his daughter.

Sarah Smith spoke about her trip to the occupied West Bank and the irony that the U.S. claims to stand for peace but is opposed to Americans travelling to learn the experiences of the Palestinian people. She thanked the Committee Against Political Repression for support in the face of this repression. Stan Smith demanded that the U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald and the FBI agent who phoned Sarah apologize to his daughter for this harassment.

Before and after the speeches, people marched in the spirited picket line despite the frigid temperature, chanting “Opposing war is not a crime!”

Stephanie Weiner, one of the 14 activists originally subpoenaed in September, reminded the crowd that three of those activists are awaiting new grand jury court dates. If these women - Sarah Martin, Tracy Molm and Anh Pham, all from Minnesota - refuse to take part in the U.S. Attorney's fishing expedition, they may be held in contempt and jailed in Chicago for the life of the grand jury. If this happens, the women would be held in the Metropolitan Correction Center in Chicago’s Loop.

Protests like the one tonight show that the anti-war movement in Chicago will not be silenced, despite the threats of jail time and the ongoing witch hunt.

A personal encounter with Badiou


Badiou and the Bankruptcy of Fashionable French Philosophy

by Ralph Dumain

Badiou un-self-consciously gives the game away in this specimen of illusory self-consciousness:

Badiou, Alain. "The Adventure of French Philosophy," New Left Review, new series, no. 35, September-October 2005.

Here are some notes I wrote on this article.

I

4 Dec 2005

Just as I was about to go to bed, one of my fans enthusiastically forwarded me this article. Badiou is definitely the flavor of the month. This article is a succinct summary of a slice of intellectual history, but what blows me away is how fundamentally unconscious Badiou seems to be of the underlying dynamics I see motivating his intellectual universe. It shows how thoroughly bourgeois all French intellectuals are, esp. those of the hard left—they're the worst! To paraphrase Lenny Bruce: this is so bankrupt, it's thrilling. I'll have more to say when I've had a second go-round with this essay.

II

4 Dec 2005

First, some quotes, with comments:

BADIOU: "a French philosophical moment of the second half of the 20th century which, toute proportion gardée, bears comparison to the examples of classical Greece and enlightenment Germany."

DUMAIN: But why this moment, or the others, and with what import in the grand scheme?

BADIOU: "Sartre’s foundational work, Being and Nothingness, appeared in 1943 and the last writings of Deleuze, What is Philosophy?, date from the early 1990s. The moment of French philosophy develops between the two of them, and includes Bachelard, Merleau-Ponty, Lévi-Strauss, Althusser, Foucault, Derrida and Lacan as well as Sartre and Deleuze—and myself, maybe."

DUMAIN: What was the state of French philosophy before this moment? Kojeve, I've read, was the grand central station for the introduction of Hegel, which influenced all these people? What was French philosophy doing before this turn? Bachelard was a philosopher of science as well as of the poetic imagination: doesn't he go back a little further? What about the previous state of French philosophy of science? What came out of Poincaré, or of Emile Meyerson? Doesn't Barthes figure into this scenario?

BADIOU: "To think the philosophical origins of this moment we need to return to the fundamental division that occurred within French philosophy at the beginning of the 20th century, with the emergence of two contrasting currents. In 1911, Bergson gave two celebrated lectures at Oxford, which appeared in his collection La pensée et le mouvement. In 1912—simultaneously, in other words—Brunschvicg published Les étapes de la philosophie mathématique. Coming on the eve of the Great War, these interventions attest to the existence of two completely distinct orientations. In Bergson we find what might be called a philosophy of vital interiority, a thesis on the identity of being and becoming; a philosophy of life and change. This orientation will persist throughout the 20th century, up to and including Deleuze. In Brunschvicg’s work, we find a philosophy of the mathematically based concept: the possibility of a philosophical formalism of thought and of the symbolic, which likewise continues throughout the century, most specifically in Lévi-Strauss, Althusser and Lacan.

"From the start of the century, then, French philosophy presents a divided and dialectical character. On one side, a philosophy of life; on the other, a philosophy of the concept. This debate between life and concept will be absolutely central to the period that follows. At stake in any such discussion is the question of the human subject, for it is here that the two orientations coincide."

DUMAIN: This is most fascinating, and presents the essence of the problem before us. And the question is: why this dynamic? And then, Is there an unnamed dynamic underlying this ostensible dynamic? How does this compare to the duality of positivism and irrationalism one can find elsewhere in the past century and a half of western philosophy?

Badiou names a dynamic, but there's more to be said about it. (1) Badiou names a conspicuous feature of French thought: the tendency towards formalism and schematism. This is neither British, nor I think, particularly German. Here there is neither German depth nor positivist reduction, but a different twist. (2) Bergson is counterpoised to this tendency. But Bergson is not only a vitalist, but an intuitionist, a mystical reactionary of the worst sort. Bergson's incredible popularity arrives at a moment of historical rebellion against a fully schematized and mathematized world view; it is itself, paradoxically, an abstraction: pure intuition, the flow of lived experience, counterpoised against a completely reified social world? And why is this reification perfected foremost in France? This is the question Badiou doesn't pose.

BADIOU: "A first definition of the French philosophical moment would therefore be in terms of the conflict over the human subject, since the fundamental issue at stake in this conflict is that of the relationship between life and concept.

"We could, of course, take the quest for origins further back and describe the division of French philosophy as a split over the Cartesian heritage. In one sense, the postwar philosophical moment can be read as an epic discussion about the ideas and significance of Descartes, as the philosophical inventor of the category of the subject. Descartes was a theoretician both of the physical body—of the animal-machine—and of pure reflection. He was thus concerned with both the physics of phenomena and the metaphysics of the subject. All the great contemporary philosophers have written on Descartes . . ."

DUMAIN: Descartes set up, abstractly, the philosophical duality of the modern world, of the rising bourgeoisie breaking free of its feudal bonds. Also emerging is a new twist on the division of mental and manual labor. (As, e.g., CLR James et al [1950] have noted, this conception becomes embodied in the administrative-industrial organization of society to come, finally perfected in Stalinist state capitalism—bodiless planning totally organizes mindless physical labor.) A number of analysts have noted thus. The question remains, though: why this struggle over Descartes, specifically in France and specifically in the 20th century?

BADIOU: "French philosophers went seeking something in Germany, then, through the work of Hegel, Nietzsche, Husserl and Heidegger. What was it that they sought? In a phrase: a new relation between concept and existence."

DUMAIN: This is eminently logical, but . . . Where was French philosophy at the moment when this trend began? What happened to the once fashionable Bergson?

BADIOU: "The second operation, no less important, concerns science. French philosophers sought to wrest science from the exclusive domain of the philosophy of knowledge by demonstrating that, as a mode of productive or creative activity, and not merely an object of reflection or cognition, it went far beyond the realm of knowledge. They interrogated science for models of invention and transformation that would inscribe it as a practice of creative thought, comparable to artistic activity, rather than as the organization of revealed phenomena."

DUMAIN: This immediately makes me think of Bachelard. But again, where's the why?

BADIOU: "The third operation is a political one. The philosophers of this period all sought an in-depth engagement of philosophy with the question of politics. . . . This fundamental desire to engage philosophy with the political situation transforms the relation between concept and action."

DUMAIN: Why this particular evolution, as opposed, to say, that of Lukacs, or of the Frankfurt School? Note that if the German turn was necessary, then the French lagged behind the Germans in some respect. But why this appropriation of German thought and the French twist on it? And how do the two streams compare in value? How does Sartre's Being and Nothingness—strapped in an impossible dualism ridiculed from all corners—from Marcuse to Farber and back again—compare to the German achievement?

BADIOU: "The fourth operation has to do with the modernization of philosophy, in a sense quite distinct from the cant of successive government administrations. French philosophers evinced a profound attraction to modernity. They followed contemporary artistic, cultural and social developments very closely. . . . In all this, philosophy was seeking a new relation between the concept and the production of forms—artistic, social, or forms of life. Modernization was thus the quest for a new way in which philosophy could approach the creation of forms."

DUMAIN: Again, why the particular configuration of French thought, in comparison to German, in achieving these aims? There must have been a particular blockage that had to be overcome. Later, I think, I'll be saying something about the surrealists, Sartre, and CLR James.

BADIOU: "The question of forms, and of the intimate relations of philosophy with the creation of forms, was of crucial importance. Clearly, this posed the issue of the form of philosophy itself: one could not displace the concept without inventing new philosophical forms. It was thus necessary not just to create new concepts but to transform the language of philosophy. This prompted a singular alliance between philosophy and literature which has been one of the most striking characteristics of contemporary French philosophy."

DUMAIN: Literature and language. The breakout of conceptual confinement paralleled or even necessitated a breakout from linguistic confinement. How, different, then the use of language in France from Germany, which after all, was no stranger to linguistic innovation in either area. But yet the French must have felt the most straight-jacketed. That's where the surrealists came in, after the war.

BADIOU: "The surrealists also played an important role. They too were eager to shake up relations regarding the production of forms, modernity, the arts; they wanted to invent new modes of life. If theirs was largely an aesthetic programme, it paved the way for the philosophical programme of the 1950s and 60s...."

And:

"It is at this stage that we witness a spectacular change in philosophical writing. Forty years on we have, perhaps, grown accustomed to the writing of Deleuze, Foucault, Lacan; we have lost the sense of what an extraordinary rupture with earlier philosophical styles it represented."

And:

"There was, then, both a transformation of philosophical expression and an effort to shift the frontiers between philosophy and literature. We should recall—another innovation—that Sartre was also a novelist and playwright (as am I). The specificity of this moment in French philosophy is to play upon several different registers in language, displacing the borders between philosophy and literature, between philosophy and drama."

DUMAIN: Here we see an impetus to develop a new way of writing. What is not clear in many of these cases, is an intrinsic connection to the development of new abstract concepts. How do the literary and the abstract motivations necessarily mutually motivate one another, if they do? Badiou will then discuss the role of Freud, but there's already something unstated that shouldn't pass unexamined. German philosophical writing is notoriously difficult, syntactically convoluted, dense and allusive, with a record of prodigious terminological innovation, yet something different seems to be going on. The Frankfurt School was up to its eyeballs in Freud, as well as aesthetics, but . . . . ? Is the difference merely that the German philosophers did not feel the need to write novels, plays, poems? Something else is going on that needs to be teased out. It has something to do with "Cartesianism", with literary style, with a rebellion against rigidity and classicism, with a particular configuration governing the rebellion and the nature of what it rebelled against.

III

4 Dec 2005

I'm going to defer addressing the questions I posed last time, and pick up with the section "With and against Freud."

BADIOU: "At stake, finally, in this invention of a new writing, is the enunciation of the new subject; of the creation of this figure within philosophy, and the restructuring of the battlefield around it. For this can no longer be the rational, conscious subject that comes down to us from Descartes; it cannot be, to use a more technical expression, the reflexive subject. The contemporary human subject has to be something murkier, more mingled in life and the body, more extensive than the Cartesian model; more akin to a process of production, or creation, that concentrates much greater potential forces inside itself."

DUMAIN: I am singularly unimpressed with this stance—though I understand the historical statement he's making—because the Germans were just as deeply engaged with Freud and with all these issues, sans the pretentious rebellion against Cartesianism. But this is too delicious, for Badiou names a dynamic he's trapped in himself, like all these people, and thinks he's diagnosed while remaining obtuse. This is so delicious I'll have to return to it again and again.

BADIOU: "At issue, most fundamentally, has been the division of French philosophy between, on one side, what I would call an existential vitalism, originating with Bergson and running through Sartre, Foucault and Deleuze, and on the other a conceptual formalism, derived from Brunschvicg and continuing through Althusser and Lacan. Where the two paths cross is on the question of the subject, which might ultimately be defined, in terms of French philosophy, as the being that brings forth the concept."

DUMAIN: I see why Sartre is put on the one side, esp. opposite Althusser et al. But wasn't Sartre himself remarkably Cartesian and Kantian, and opposed to the surrealists as well as the spell of poetry? Sartre was deep-sixed posthumously precisely because of his affirmation of the subject, which the other side was sadomasochistically bent on smashing. And remember Barthes' assault on the concept of Man. This is a specifically petty bourgeois French preoccupation—nobody else in the world except their groupies takes this puffed-up foolishness seriously.

BADIOU: "The relation between philosophy and psychoanalysis within French philosophy is just this, one of competition and complicity, of fascination and hostility, love and hatred. No wonder the drama between them has been so violent, so complex."

DUMAIN: Badiou continues with the examples of Bachelard (but omitting Bachelard's philosophy of science) and Sartre—interesting. Deleuze—delusional.

Then, under "Paths of Greatness," Badiou outlines 6 key features of the French philosophical moment. I won't reiterate them here, but do read them.

BADIOU: "Such is the French philosophical moment, its programme, its high ambition. To identify it further, its one essential desire—for every identity is the identity of a desire—was to turn philosophy into an active form of writing that would be the medium for the new subject. And by the same token, to banish the meditative or professorial image of the philosopher; to make the philosopher something other than a sage, and so other than a rival to the priest. Rather, the philosopher aspired to become a writer-combatant, an artist of the subject, a lover of invention, a philosophical militant—these are the names for the desire that runs through this period: the desire that philosophy should act in its own name."

DUMAIN: What a load of shit! The French intellectual and cultural system is the most centralized, bureaucratic, class-confined and elitist in the entire history of humanity. Striking a pose like this is just one other route to the top. This is self-deception at its peak. This is so incredible, I'm almost speechless, but not quite . . . .

IV

9 April 2006

The star system in France also relates to its highly centralized cultural system. The concept of cultural capital now in vogue could never have originated anywhere but in France, and itself is the product of how bourgeois culture emerged out of aristocratic culture, France being the cultural capital of European feudalism. Furthermore, French philosophy, with its penchant for impersonal, schematic, and quasi-mathematical formalized theoretical schemes, reflects the conditions of the French educational and cultural system, and even the rebellion against it, with a penchant for irrationalism, linguistic play, psychoanalysis, obsessions with the body, etc., is determined and wholly encapsulated by the very same conditions. And if you take a cold hard look at all the innovations in French philosophy since the introduction of Hegel, Husserl, and Heidegger in the 1920s-30, you should find it all rather inferior to what the German philosophical tradition had already accomplished with the Frankfurt School in the 1930s.

V

27 July 2009

On Badiou's six points:

1. Eliminate separation of concept and existence? Pretentious drivel. "Existence" is purely academic, and in fact, the separation is greater than ever.

2. Taking philosophy out of the academy? Are you kidding? This was done far more sincerely and effectively 60 years ago.

3. Abandon opposition between knowledge and action? More pretense.

4. To make philosophy a real political intervention? Compared to what now? More pretense.

5. Question of the subject? French anti-humanism is of no importance whatever. The German tradition has said everything needed to be said on the subject.

6. New style of philosophical exposition? Heaven help us!

I find this entire program utterly worthless. . .

VI

See also the following haphazardly selected items. Not all are listed to cast aspersions on their authors or subject matter, but they do amplify some—not all!—directions in French philosophy. One finds here various contributions to various trends, for example, French Marxism and postmodernism. Omitted, for example, are French analytical philosophers. The conflict between Benda and Bergson early in the 20th century, as well as the broader contextualization by Hughes, is relevant here. Read points out Althusser's key issues concerning philosophy. Balibar and Macherey probably accomplished far more. Schrift emphasizes the institutional context of French philosophy, which he believes accounts for its peculiar traits. Badiou's perspective is not all there is.

Balibar, Étienne. "Irrationalism and Marxism," New Left Review, I/107, January-February 1978, pp. 3-18.

Balibar, Etienne. Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies on Politics and Philosophy Before and After Marx, translated by James Swenson. New York: Routledge, 1994.

Balibar, Etienne, The Philosophy of Marx, translated by Chris Turner. London; New York: Verso, 1995. Full text online.

Benda, Julien. The Treason of the Intellectuals (La Trahison Des Clercs), translated by Richard Aldington, with a new introduction by Roger Kimball. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2007. (Translation first published 1928; French original, 1927.) See also my amazon.com reviews of July 12, 2006:

Of Benda:

I am alarmed by Amazon.com's links to "similar" right-wing books. The conservative thrust of other customer reviewers is flat-out ignorant. To get a better appraisal of Benda's philosophical outlook, a look at his other work is in order. A good source on Benda's ouevre is Julien Benda (1956) by Robert Judson Niess.

Another good source is also a classic: Consciousness and Society by H. Stuart Hughes. To be sure, Benda was an uncompromising partisan of the Enlightenment and democracy, but his provincial, traditional, classical education made a control freak out of him. Benda lacked flexibility and could not with sufficient concreteness engage the contemporary trends he rejected—recent developments in literature as well as irrationalist philosophy. (Benda's nemesis was Henri Bergson, a point in his favor.)

There is also a pro-Benda tendency on the left. Recent examples are Russell Jacoby's The End of Utopia and Edward W. Said's Representations of the Intellectual: The 1993 Reith Lectures (see my amazon.com review). Apart from what I call 'left Benda-ism', there is a rich history of public intellectuals as well as academics who advocate or practice free-floating intellectualism combined with political radicalism, including Richard Wright, Jean-Paul Sartre, Theodor Adorno, Jurgen Habermas, Noam Chomsky, and Alvin Gouldner. In fact, Karl Marx was just this type of individual, as Gouldner pointed out.

Of Said:

This is a short popular introduction to the social role of intellectuals, taking off from the polarity of Julien Benda (free-floating) vs. Antonio Gramsci (organic) intellectuals. While Benda has always had a conservative flavor, his advocacy of independence and integrity (as opposed to his conservative notion of the intellectual's obligation to the eternal verities) is nonetheless important, so Said could be considered a left Benda-ite (as could Russell Jacoby). Said advocates the independence as well as the engagement of free-floating and academic intellectuals. He writes of the difficulties of negotiating the cosmopolitan and the national commitments of intellectuals, also of the experience of exile and marginalization. He also addresses the polarity of professionalism and amateurism, holding to the side of the "amateurs", without disavowing membership in academic institutions. He prefers the role of "speaking truth to power", which also means avoiding the twin temptations of self-submission to gods that inevitably fail and apostatic dogma-hopping.

Burwick, Frederick; Douglass, Paul; eds. The Crisis in Modernism: Bergson and the Vitalist Controversy. Cambridge [UK]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992. See table of contents and publisher description.

Hughes, H. Stuart. Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930. Originally published: New York: Knopf, 1958. Latest edition, with a new introduction by Stanley Hoffman: New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2002. My edition: New York: Vintage Books, 1961. See also "Consciousness and Society: A Review" by R. Dumain.

Lears, Jackson. "Keeping It Real," The Nation, June 12, 2006. Review of Martin Jay's Songs of Experience.

Lefebvre, Henri. Henri Lefebvre: Key Writings; ed. Stuart Elden, Elizabeth Lebas, Eleonore Kofman. New York; London: Continuum Books, 2003. Excerpts can be viewed on Google books; see also the Continuum Books site.

Macherey, Pierre. In a Materialist Way: Selected Essays, edited by Warren Montag; translated by Ted Stolze. London; New York: Verso, 1998.

Matthews, Eric. Review: Alan D. Schrift, Twentieth Century French Philosophy: Key Themes and Thinkers, Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, 2007.03.25.

Read, Jason. "The Althusser Effect: Philosophy, History, and Temporality," borderlands e-journal, volume 4 number 2, 2005.

Schrift, Alan D. "Trends in French Philosophy: Fashion? ou autre chose?," paper delivered at American Philosophical Association, Eastern Division, 103rd Third Annual Meeting, December 29, 2006, session IV-F.

Schrift, Alan D. Twentieth Century French Philosophy: Key Themes and Thinkers. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. Full text online.

Schrift, Alan D. "The Effects of the Agrégation de Philosophie on Twentieth-Century French Philosophy," Journal of the History of Philosophy, vol. 46, no. 3, July 2008, pp. 449-473.

Wolin, Richard. "Heidegger Made Kosher," The Nation, February 20, 2006.

Monday, December 6, 2010

RSU Theory: Stalinism [1/4]: "There is no 'Stalinism'"

The anti-communist octopus


McCarthy, Born Again and Retooled for Our Time

By Sarah Posner

Photo of Dr. David Noebel courtesy Summit Ministries

Sarah Posner

Sarah Posner, author of God’s Profits: Faith, Fraud, and the Republican Crusade for Values Voters, is RD’s associate editor and covers politics for the site. Her work has appeared in The American Prospect, The Nation, Salon, The Washington Spectator, the religion blogs at the Washington Post and the Guardian, and other publications. RSS feed Twitter Email

In the lower level of the Empire State Building last month, about 100 college students toting fare from Trader Joe's and Whole Foods attended a brown bag lunch whose speaker revived the dread of the Cold War, ominously asserting that communism continues to threaten America.

It could have been ripped from the headlines of the sensationalistic conservative site World Net Daily, but the setting was far more staid. The speaker, David Noebel, part of The King's College Distinguished Visitors series, was introduced by outgoing King's Provost and World magazine editor Marvin Olasky as "one of the long-lasting stalwarts of fighting for a lot of things we're for here at King’s: religious, political, and economic liberty."

King's, a Christian school rescued from near bankruptcy in 1998 by Campus Crusade for Christ, now boasts 400 students and is hoping to double that number within a few years. The college proclaims that it "educates students to lead with principle as they aspire to make America better. We prepare students for principled leadership. And nothing else."

But King's made headlines in September after its new president, the conservative writer and pundit Dinesh D’Souza, argued in a Forbes cover story that President Obama is motivated by "Kenyan anti-colonialism." Despite accolades from Newt Gingrich, the piece was so laden with conspiracy-minded, fact-free speculation that The American Conservative called its premise "simply stupid," and its conclusion "inexcusably moronic. . . ideological Birtherism." D'Souza may maintain that Obama is "trapped in his father's time machine," but it was Noebel who seemed frozen in another era. He made D'Souza's premise, and Tea Party movement warnings of the anti-Americanism of liberals and Democrats, feel like an unbroken conspiratorial thread from the Cold War to the Obama presidency.

Noebel, now 74, is a relic: a culture warrior who preceded Falwell; a crusader who helped build the earliest Christian right organizations that worked closely with the John Birch Society in defining America as a Christian, capitalist nation while Glenn Beck was still in diapers; or, in Noebel's own words "a Goldwater Republican before anyone had heard of Barry Goldwater." His rantings about "the reds" peg him as a bit of a Cold War artifact, and his conspiratorial claims about the designs of the Democrats are reminiscent of John Birch Society founder Robert Welch's assertion that President Eisenhower was "a dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy." Noebel told me, in reference to Obama, that he prefers Stanley Kurtz’s Radical in Chief: Barack Obama and the Untold Story of American Socialism to D’Souza, but ultimately "they end up in the same ballpark."

Noebel, or "Doc" as his devotees call him, is the doyen of Summit Ministries, the Manitou Springs, Colorado-based institution founded in 1962 to teach evangelical teens about anti-God, anti-Christian threats to the "Christian worldview" and the American way of life. In his seminal textbook, Understanding the Times, Noebel lays out six "worldviews" — Christianity, Islam, secular humanism, Marxism-Leninism, cosmic humanism, and post-modernism — vying for domination in the world. By his own estimate he has educated 30,000 teenagers at his one and two-week conferences at Summit in Colorado and its outposts around the world (including at Oxford) about the evils of atheism, communism, socialism, and other anti-God "statist" worldviews that threaten to destroy America — unless Christians step in to save every soul.

Noebel's conferences, lauded by religious right figures like James Dobson as a life-saving antidote to the fallen world that tempts our wayward teens, represent just a fraction of his reach. His teaching materials are widely used in homeschool curricula, and Summit is developing more materials to start children as early as first grade on a diet of his collision-of-worldviews thesis. That framework forms the basis for his conspiracy-minded theories about American progressives, the Democratic Party, and what Noebel depicts as a fifth column right inside the U.S. Congress led by "hardcore socialist" Nancy Pelosi.

At King's, about a dozen students in the audience had attended Summit, and they nodded enthusiastically as Noebel described its inoculating effects against the evils of secular humanism, which he considers to be the worldview that most threatens Christianity today. But still, when questioned by Olasky about how much had changed in the last 50 years, Noebel had to confess that he still considers communism a dire threat.

"Even though the Berlin Wall fell, and the Soviet Union became Russia," he said, "because worldviews hardly ever change," not much has changed today — except for Noebel's expanded definition of communism. "We used to say communism equals Marxism-Leninism," he told Olasky. "Now communism is a broader term — I have a whole list of things to add today."

The Democratic Party's "Socialist Red Army"

Noebel insists that President Obama is a "stealth socialist," and even that Obama economic advisor Larry Summers, in acknowledging to Charlie Rose the influence of Keynesian economics on Obama economic policy, "is kissing the American Capitalist system good night!"

When I asked him for his evidence of the claimed socialist tendencies of House Democrats, he pointed me to the recent re-issue of the 1960 book, You Can Trust the Communists (To Be Communists), written by the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade's Fred Schwarz. Schwarz, an Australian evangelist, launched a school in the U.S. to train anti-communist activists, which frequently featured Glenn Beck idol, W. Cleon Skousen, on its faculty. A 1962 Life magazine feature on right-wing extremism noted, "some lecturers speaking under his auspices feel free to venture into questionable areas, sometimes implying treason in national institutions, sometimes plainly suggesting that one might find Communist activity under almost any bush near home."

Schwarz influenced Christian Reconstructionists as well, as Gary North discussed in an essay, "It All Began With Fred Schwarz." When Schwarz retired in 1998, Noebel took over the publication of his monthly newsletter, The Schwarz Report, lauding his friend because he "took Communism seriously and battled it his whole life. He knew in his heart it was the very mask of Satan (who lies, steals, murders and destroys - John 10:10). He had the courage to tell the naked truth about it while The New York Times lied about it for nearly the whole 20th century."

Noebel's reissue of the Schwarz book, titled You Can Still Trust the Communists to Be Communists (Socialists and Progressives Too), pays homage to Skousen as well, noting that in 1958 he compiled a list of 45 "current communist goals," six of which, Noebel writes, have already been fulfilled: to present homosexuality as "normal, natural and healthy;" to eliminate prayer in public schools; to "discredit" the Constitution; to "discredit" family as an institution; to support "socialist movements" to take over government; and to "infiltrate" churches and "discredit" the bible. After The Weekly Standard criticized Beck for promoting Skousen and his conspiracy theories, Noebel described Skousen in the Summit Journal as "a very honorable and careful scholar and author of the hard hitting but very truthful work The Naked Communist," and challeged the conservative magazine to document what "makes Glenn Beck a threat to America by reading Cleon Skousen!"

"I don’t have anything to add to Fred Schwarz's work," Noebel told the King’s audience, although he told me later that he had added a few thoughts to the 2010 reissue of Schwarz’s "classic." In response to my question about how he could assert that Barack Obama and Nancy Pelosi are secret socialists, he pointed me to chapter 15, in which he claims that House Democrats — who all admire Fidel Castro, he maintains — are affiliated with socialist organizations that "quite literally comprise a Socialist Red Army within the very contours of the House of Representatives."

To hear Noebel speak, the menace hasn't abated since his days with the Christian Crusade, which was founded by the disgraced evangelist Billy James Hargis, and was trailed by the FBI, which considered it an extremist group. When I met Summit's executive director John Stonestreet at the Conservative Political Action Conference earlier this year, he indicated that Noebel's relationship with Hargis — whose name he didn’t even utter — was something the group didn't like to discuss. Noebel, it turns out, was responsible for ousting Hargis from the Tulsa-based American Christian College (founded to teach "anti-communist patriotic Americanism") after Hargis was embroiled in a sex scandal; Hargis was accused of having sex with four male and one female students; the woman, it turned out, married one of the men in a ceremony officiated by Hargis, and the couple found out on their honeymoon that he had had sex with both of them.

But in the 1960s, Noebel worked for the Hargis-led group that planned a "secret fraternity," according to a New York Times report, with other right-wing organizations and members of Congress to outlaw the Communist Party. Hargis maintained that racial unrest was instigated by Communists; that white Southerners, not blacks, were the persecuted minority in the United States; and that Martin Luther King, Jr. was a communist agent. The cover of Hargis' 1964 book, The Far Left, showed a weeping Statue of Liberty, dripping with blood, speared by a sword with a hammer and sickle handle. The purpose of the book, Hargis wrote in the introduction, was to expose not just communists, but also "those organizations and men who have aided and abetted the cause of Communism by word or deed, whether intentionally or unintentionally." The "entire left-wing movement," which included the liberal National Council of Churches, "is of the devil."

Speaking at the 1962 Christian Crusade convention, after fulminating that the "Liberal Establishment" was the "greatest threat to freedom, New Testament Christianity, and constitutional government," which "works feverishly to enslave us all," Hargis revealed his plan to open a "Christian Crusade Anti-Communist Youth University to train people to fight communism," located at the foot of Pikes Peak — the current location of Summit.

Noebel, who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in his native Wisconsin in the early 1960s, says he started Summit because he nearly lost his faith at the University of Wisconsin as a philosophy major, where he says the department was overrun by atheists and the campus rocked by dominant Marxists.

By the mid-1960s, Noebel was producing pamphlets for the Christian Crusade claiming that rock music was a secret communist plot to make teenagers mentally retarded. In "Communism, Hypnotism, and the Beatles," he urged readers to throw away their records: "We have been unashamed of being labeled a Christian nation; let's make sure four mop-headed anti-Christ beatniks don't destroy our children's emotional and mental stability and ultimately destroy our nation as Plato warned in his Republic." Later, he turned his attention to anti-gay activism, writing The Homosexual Revolution, which he dedicated to anti-gay crusader Anita Bryant, co-authoring a book with discredited anti-gay activist Paul Cameron, and advocating for Colorado's anti-gay Amendment 2, which passed in 1992, but was invalidated by the courts.

Too extreme for the conservative movement?

Noebel seemed taken aback when I asked him about the reemergence of the John Birch Society at CPAC, where it was a co-sponsor this year. William F. Buckley had purged extremist elements from the conservative movement in the 1960s, but Noebel claimed not to recall that, even though Christian Crusade and the JBS worked closely together through the 1980s, according to a report by Jean Hardisty, founder of Public Research Associations, a think tank that studies right-wing movements.

"I like Bill Buckley a whole lot, I've read all of his stuff," Noebel told me."I would say he probably would not like the idea [of the John Birch Society]. I dunno. CPAC must. That’s Dave Keene [president of the American Conservative Union]? He brought 'em on. I suspect over the years that has changed a little bit. What was the issue? Why did Buckley do what he did? I can't even remember, to tell the truth."

Instead of addressing the Birch Society issue, Noebel changed the subject to Joseph Sobran, another extremist who butted heads with Buckley, who fired him from National Review after he penned anti-Semitic columns for the magazine. When Sobran died earlier this year, Noebel said, "give National Review credit, they had a great obituary for Joe Sobran, even though they kicked him out of the organization. That was over some issue too, I forget what that was about."

A Washington Post obituary of Sobran after he died in September noted, "Over the years, Mr. Sobran's views veered ever more wildly to the right, beyond the ken of National Review and anything resembling the mainstream. He praised an unabashedly racist publication called Instauration, which, in Mr. Sobran's own words, was 'openly and almost unremittingly hostile to blacks, Jews, and Mexican and Oriental immigrants.'"

John McManus, the JBS president whose book on Buckley is subtitled The Pied Piper for the Establishment, claimed in his online eulogy of Sobran that in an unpublished essay Sobran concluded, "It took me many years to see what John McManus makes overwhelmingly obvious: Bill Buckley, American conservatism's longtime intellectual leader, has been a calamity for conservatism."

From the Christian Crusade to the Tea Party and Christian Film

If Noebel seems stuck in time with his fear-mongering about a fifth column of "reds" aiming to take over America, his protégés continue to reinterpret his conspiratorial thinking in ways that reverberate throughout the conservative movement — despite the embarrassment over conspiracy theories from some conservative journalists. Noebel himself acknowledged the thread running from his activism to the Tea Party movement. "Most of them are evangelical Christian anti-communist, anti-socialist, anti-statist. . . . Michele Bachmann is one of their leaders and she certainly is a fine Christian gal and she's got her feet in that camp big time." And, he added, "I would say Ron Paul, for example, Ron Paul is more Christian than anything, to tell the truth."

Noebel's influence can be seen in the work of a Summit alumnus who answered the Christian right call for evangelicals to create their own media and entertainment enterprises to replace secular ones. Noebel makes an appearance in the propaganda film Agenda: Grinding America Down, produced by former Idaho state legislator Curtis Bowers, who recently won the Christian Reconstructionist San Antonio Christian Film Festival. As a youth, Bowers and his family spent summers at Summit, which he described recently as "such a valuable and important thing that was helping turn America back to God and the Bible;" as an adult he opened a restaurant in Manitou Springs.

After being appointed to the Idaho legislature in 2007, Bowers wrote a column titled "Communist agenda makes its way to our mainstream," that roiled the state, arguing that feminists seek to have children raised by government programs, environmentalists sought to destroy business, and that "the homosexual movement" would "extinguish" our "heritage of religion and morality."

"When we see many mainstream politicians and activist judges with the same agenda that just 16 years ago was that of Communist strategists," he wrote, "it is time for patriotic Americans to wake up and get involved."

Bowers asserted in a recent interview on the Christian Worldview radio program (which is sponsored by Summit) that communists wanted moral decay because it has "allowed them to expand government the way they want to as they are striving to have a socialist type government that controls everything!"

"There really is an enemy inside America that is being incredibly successful," the Summit alumnus concluded, "and we don’t even realize it."

1908-2010: how Lenin re-arms us against promoters of XXIst Century Menshevism


The Criterion of Practice in the Theory of Knowledge

Lenin’s 1908 “Materialism and Empirio-Criticism” is a full-length book but a difficult one to include under any particular category. It is a polemic against Ernst Mach and his Russian followers, whom Lenin said had little to distinguish themselves from the 18th-century subjective idealist Bishop Berkeley. This controversy does not seem so important today as it was then.

Our text from Lenin’s book is “The Criterion of Practice in the Theory of Knowledge” (download linked below).

It begins: “We have seen that Marx in 1845 and Engels in 1888 and 1892 placed the criterion of practice at the basis of the materialist theory of knowledge;” and this shows up some of our difficulty in the field of Marxian philosophy. As the footnote says, Lenin is referring to Marx’s “Theses on Feuerbach” (1845) and to the works by F. Engels: Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy” (1888) and the “Special Introduction to the English Edition of 1892” of his “Socialism: Utopian and Scientific”.

The latter pamphlet is made out of excerpts from Engel’s “Anti-Dühring”, while the “Theses on Feuerbach” are part of “The German Ideology”, a book written between 1845 and 1847 by Marx and Engels and then abandoned “to the gnawing criticism of the mice”.

Karl Marx had a Doctorate in Philosophy but did not write a book of philosophy as such, except insofar as his long “Capital” project could be taken as philosophy, and there are indeed some philosophical statements here and there among the preparatory works and in the three originally-published volumes of “Capital”. So what is linked from this post comprises the major part of the philosophical work of Marx, Engels and Lenin, a tiny amount compared to the world’s literature on philosophy.

It is clear that the classical literature does not provide us with a full, exclusively Marxist exposition of philosophy. Perhaps this is fitting, because Marxism is after all not outside of the main stream of learning, and as we have seen, it is a continuation of, as well as a reaction to, Hegel’s work, while Hegel’s work stands in a similar relation to Kant’s. And so on.

In “Materialism and Empirio-Criticism” Lenin quotes Hegel several times in passing, and briefly, though not in this particular chapter. It would seem that Lenin’s interest in Hegel really only got going later, at the time (1914) when he prepared his ‘Conspectus of Hegel’s book “The Science of Logic”’. The Lenin Philosophy Archive on MIA is here.

Lenin is saying in this short chapter that that the test of truth is practice, and this provides us with a continuity in relation to our previous installment, from Ilyenkov.

The next part will be the last in this Hegel series.

Please download and read this text via the link:

Further reading:

Interview with Samir Amin


Samir Amin: Global currency wars, US imperialism and the global South

November 25, 2010 -- Pambazuka News -- Marxist economist Samir Amin speaks to Pambazuka's Firoze Manji on the misleading rhetoric over the so-called currency war. The real problem, he argues, is the disequilibrium in the global integrated monetary and financial system, in which the US insists on the right to control its currency, but denies the same rights to others, such as China. The countries of the global South need to leave the US and its allies to sort out their own problems and concentrate on developing regional currencies and exercising strict control over capital flows, Amin argues.

* * *

There has been much publicity about the so-called "currency war" arising from the discussions at the recent G20 meeting. Can you explain what is meant by currency war?

Samir Amin: The rhetoric on the currency war is very superficial and even misleading. As everybody knows, what is being said is that the Chinese yuan is undervalued and that is bad for the global equilibrium. It is as if China is mainly and exclusively responsible for what is bad in the system. Everyone keeps saying that the yuan is undervalued. Now this is not the real problem. The real problem is the imbalance between the power of the US -- that is of the US dollar -- and the non-power of the other so-called partners (and therefore are really non-partners) in the integrated global monetary and financial system and market as it presently exists.

The real question is that imbalance. That is obvious when you hear the US establishment speaking. They say, and they repeat it with arrogance: the dollar is our money and your problem. That is, the US keeps in its own hands the tools for managing its own currency according to its own needs and targets, good or bad. That is indeed what the US Federal Reserve does, which is its central bank -- state bank -- ruled by the US Treasury. The US Federal Reserve has the tools in hand for running its monetary policy as it considers it should be, with no regard to anyone else.

So, the Federal Reserve fixes the rate of interest; it is not the banking system that does that. Whether they fix it high or low in order to serve their targets, whether this is effective or not, they have this right, and they keep hold of that right. And they keep also the right of the Federal Reserve to buy treasury bonds that is to cover, eventually, a budget deficit of the US by inflation, by printing money.

These are the normal rights of a sovereign state, and they keep those rights. Whatever they decide freely and independently has of course effects upon the other partners. It can be damaging, in many cases, on the others. But they don't care. They say, well this is our money. If you have difficulties with it, this is your problem and you should deal with your own problems.

If this principle is acceptable for the US, then it has to be acceptable for all other countries. There is a basic and fundamental principle of international law which is equal sovereignty of states. That is, if the US keeps for itself those rights, then the same holds for other countries. And that is exactly what China is doing. China behaves exactly like the US, it has kept hold of the tools to manage its monetary policy according to its own targets and needs. It is the central bank of China, which is state controlled, which decides the rate of interest in China and which decides also -- which it is allowed by law to do -- to buy Chinese treasury bonds that is to cover by inflation an eventual deficit of the Chinese state budget.

There is no deficit at the moment, but the point is that they keep that right. China is not doing anything different from the US. It is doing exactly the same. It has kept all its sovereign rights, just as the US has also kept its sovereign rights.

So the Chinese would be absolutely right to say to the US: if the dollar is your currency and our problem, so equally the yuan is our currency and your problem! So, you (the US) have to solve your problem, and not to put the blame on us.

Additionally the problems of the US are not the result of China's doing, they are the result of the failures of the US in many areas related to the governance of corporations, education, and research and development, financial management etc. And therefore there is no reason why China should accept the dictates of Washington, and frankly it is not accepting them. But the propaganda continues incessantly -- it is China, it is China, it is China.

What is very curious in the present state of affairs is that, unfortunately, no other country other than China retains those rights. No other major partner (of the G20) has fully retained those rights, although some of the emerging countries such as India and Brazil have done something to that effect. Instead, they have generally accepted the dictates of the US.

Indeed, "Euroland" has castrated itself by the Maestricht and Lisbon agreements. It has adopted for itself curious rules for the running of its so-called European Central Bank -- which in effect is not a central bank (since there is no European state which has the responsibility to run it). It is not allowed to lend to the state, whereas the US Federal Reserve and US Treasury is indeed allowed to lend to the state, just as the Chinese central bank is allowed to lend to the state.

The reason for that unbelievable attitude, again, is that there is no European state and that the European Union does not trust the national European states. The decision not to lend to the states therefore proceeds from the curious belief that the exclusive role of the Central Bank is to prevent at any cost any dose of inflation! The rule of "no inflation" has been made an absolute principle -- which is absolutely silly.

Romano Prodi, the former chair of the European Union, said this was idiotic. And indeed it is. Similarly, the European Central Bank does not decide on the interest rate. It leaves it to the so-called "market". Effectively this means leaving it to the major banks, which are the European as well as US, and even Japanese banks operating in Europe. Thus the European Central Bank has in effect castrated itself. So, the Europeans are not in a position to tell the Chinese that it is their fault. It was not the Chinese who set the rules of the European Central Bank! If the rules are silly, idiotic, that is the fault of the Europeans.

As for the other partners, that is the United Kingdom and Japan, they have accepted, and continue to accept, to align themselves behind the US, and to leave to the US the management of the global integrated monetary and financial system. In other words, they have accepted the fundamental imbalance in favour of the US. This is also their problem: if they have decided to follow the dictates of the US, why should they complain that China does not! The Europeans and Japanese have the right to manage their own currency just as the US and China do. But they have made a political decision to align themselves with the US. Therefore any consequences of this choice of theirs is not the responsibility of China.

It is important to understand that this is the central problem. The problem is the global integrated monetary and financial system, ruled as it is by the US dollar, that is ruled by the exclusive prerogative of the US Treasury and Federal Reserve, of the US state. This is not acceptable. That is the problem. The problem is not the exchange rate of the yuan or that of the rupee or any other currency. Absolutely not.

So what are the solutions possible?

There are three sets of possible answers to the real problem -- not the false problem of the exchange rates of currencies -- but the real problem of the global integrated monetary and financial system.

First, for those who assume that the system is not so bad, and who accept that the US dollar should continue to be effectively the major, if not absolutely the exclusive international currency, the idea would be to restore the system as it was before the 2008 financial breakdown along with, perhaps, some minor regulatory reforms (most of which are essentially more cosmetic and rhetorical than real).

This is exactly what the Stiglitz Commission and the Stiglitz report aim at. It accepts that the US dollar should remain the almost exclusive international currency (with some minor concessions). But it also accepts the right of the US government to manage the currency exclusively and on its own. As for everyone else, they have to adjust to the US dictates. This is, of course, not acceptable, especially for the global South.

If the Europeans, the British, the Japanese accept it that is their business. But I don't see why the Asians, the Latin Americans, the Africans should accept it. And it is not accepted, certainly not by China and some of the emerging states -- India and Brazil in particular. Although it is not accepted morally by African states, in practice they have completely accepted to submit to its consequences -- they have done nothing to respond to the challenge.

So, that is the Stiglitz-style solution. And it has completely failed. Nobody pays attention to the Stiglitz report, which has been dropped in the waste basket, and nobody really cares about it. It has not convinced the partners, especially from the global South. Even the global North does not give any consideration to the recommendations of Joseph Stiglitz.

The second set of solutions is theoretically ideal. This would involve establishing a new, integrated global monetary and financial system not ruled -- as it is at the moment -- by the US dollar and under the control of Washington. A different system should be imagined instead. That would mean inventing or creating a new international currency unit which would, of course, be clearly defined by a basket of major currencies -- the dollar, the euro, the sterling, the yen, the yuan, and possibly some other currencies.

The proportions for each component would be that which corresponds to the contribution of each state or group of states to the global trade. That is, close to the SDR (Special Drawing Rights) and even closer to the "bancor" that John Maynard Keynes imagined in 1945. That would be a realistic international currency, that of course would need to be properly managed. New rules would have to be invented to that effect.

Among those rules needed, a relation to gold cannot be avoided. That is to say, the system cannot be stabilised if there is not a fixed stabiliser. The new international currency unit has to be defined as equivalent to a precise quantity of gold. The gold exchange standard is needed, but not the gold standard as it has been in the Bretton Woods period, that is from 1945 until 1971, when the convertibility of the dollar into gold was suppressed by unilateral decision of the US. During these 30 or so years, in effect it was correct to say that the dollar was as good as gold. But since the 1970s, this is no longer the case.

This of course would be the "ideal". But this ideal is impossible. It is impossible because it is rejected by the US and by its subordinate allies -- Europe and Japan. They don't want it. And if they don't want it, there is no global consensus possible. And if there is no global consensus, there can be no ideal solution. So running after an ideal solution would mean writing endless papers with almost no effect. It is politically rejected from the very start by the US, Europe and Japan.

Thus, there is only the third alternative. We -- that is, the countries of the global South, emerging as well as the others -- should seek to establish arrangements between ourselves. It would be nice if we can achieve an arrangement across the global South, but this is difficult for the time being. But we could construct regional arrangements independently from the rules governing the global system. We leave the global system as it is, we leave it to the Americans to complain with the Europeans -- we don't care about their problems. The idea of such a regional arrangement has already been initiated but actual achievements in keeping with that idea are still extremely limited.

This is what the Chinese had in mind when they established the Organisation of Cooperation known as the Shanghai group, as well as the initiatives that China took in the area of financial and monetary arrangements with some of the countries of the ASEAN region in South-East Asia. This is also what some of the Latin American countries have imagined when they established the ALBA project and the "sucre" currency unit.

Much more needs to be done and must be done. This is the solution and the only viable solution. These various arrangements in different parts of the global South could eventually be inter-related at the level of a South. We have to move independently.

We have to accept that since no global consensus is possible, we in the global South have to act independently and as far as possible together. The last meeting of the G20 has proved once more that there is no possible global consensus. The attempt of the G7 to co-opt first Russia into the G8, and then some of the emerging countries -- China, Brazil, India and some others -- into the G20 has essentially failed. We are polite. Our governments go to these G20 meetings, but there is no consensus produced out of its meetings. So, we have to take independent initiatives.

What are the dangers for Africa of the current influx of capital?

The dangers are enormous. What we see is the plunder of our resources, just as we saw with the financial crisis of Asia in 1997-98 and as we now see it in the current financial crisis.

Our response to this challenge should be effective, and to that effect we have to re-establish national control of the financial flows, just as the Chinese are doing -- they are controlling the flows of finance to China. So, depending on what we think is important in order to meet our needs, we may accept foreign direct investment (perhaps with reservations and conditions for which it is up to each country to decide) -- but we must reject speculative financial flows. There is no reason why we should accept in Senegal, in Indonesia, in Kenya that foreign banks are allowed to throw in money, finance a financial bubble, plunder our resources and then run away. We should reestablish exchange control of capital flows. That is the only answer to the challenge.

So what is the possibility of an African currency being developed?

We are in a miserable position. No country in Africa seems to have the means to act. We have accepted the full range of structural adjustment programs. We have completely opened our economies. We are the weakest economies, yet we are the most open. We are open to any plunder, not only of our natural resources, but also the plunder of our savings by foreign banks. There is only one solution, and that is to establish national control over transfers. They say that if we do so, foreign capital will not come. But the reality is that it is not coming. It is coming only to plunder natural resources. If we had control over foreign flows, we would be in a position to negotiate the conditions for the access to our resources, which they need.

Many people say that Hugo Chavez in Venezuela has been able to negotiate and drive certain reforms because he has a strategic natural resource -- namely oil. But in Africa, we too have huge natural resources. So why is it that we have not been able to do what Venezuela has?

The difference is essentially political. The progressive social forces in Latin America have been able to grow and they have grown large. They have developed programmes which are essentially nationalist -- and I consider that as positive -- along with progressive social content. This has led to political changes of a variety of types. That political change has created favourable conditions for another pattern of management of their natural resources such as oil.

The problem in Africa is that the struggle of the peoples for social progress associated with the reinforcement of national independence, which was the program of the movements for national liberation, has been discontinued, and that consequently our ruling classes have turned comprador. These ruling classes are benefiting from the system as it is, while social movements remain fragmented and exclusively on defensive positions. They have democratic and socially legitimate demands, but they have to integrate in their programs national policies and political alternatives which take care of the need to control capital flows.

At the forthcoming World Social Forum in Dakar in February 2011, the World Forum for Alternatives will be actively engaged to connect with the social movements with a view to have them including into their programmes political targets. In that frame the issues related to the management of macro policies, the issue of management of the national and regional financial systems will be raised. We will also be raising the issue of the military as well as other international issues which are obviously related.

[This article first appeared at Pambazuka News. Samir Amin was interviewed by Firoze Manji on November 18, 2010. Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum and chair of the World Forum for Alternatives.]