Mu

Mu

Monday, March 1, 2010

This way with all gods


The perverse core of Christianity

Carl Packman argues that Žižek’s theological atheism beats the crudities of “Ditchkins”

The Marxist cultural critic Terry Eagleton, renowned for his much-quoted review of Richard Dawkins’ The God Delusion, began his scathing tirade with the line; “Imagine someone holding forth on biology whose only knowledge of the subject is the Book of British Birds, and you have a rough idea of what it feels like to read Richard Dawkins on theology.”

Of late, Eagleton has spoken of a fictitious character he calls “Ditchkins”, a nomenclature that finds its etymology in the merging surnames of (Christopher) Hitchens and, of course, Dawkins. Given his recent book Reason, Faith, and Revolution which aims to offer a “revolutionary account of the Christian Gospel” – as one review describes – one might naturally assume that Eagleton is a no-holds-barred antagonist to atheism.

But this wouldn’t be accurate at all, and in fact it would indirectly be giving credibility to the erroneous claim that atheism is necessarily hostile to religion, since if it were Dawkins-inspired atheism that was to be hated about atheism, then this would be suggesting that “new atheism” was the sum total of atheism proper, which is very much not the case. The fact that Eagleton is a Marxist – however we might react to this term – first of all tells us that he must draw a lot of inspiration from figures that have in their time poured scorn on the logic of religion and have made no apologies for criticising the phenomenon that is God worship (we could cite Marx himself here). But a significant proof that Eagleton’s energies are not spent wholesale rejecting atheists can be found in his advocacy of Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek.

Žižek is an avowed atheist, albeit one who has spent a significant amount of time and chapter space exploring the pitfalls and potencies of theology, whereas “Ditchkins” – as Eagleton again put it – has “come up with vulgar caricatures of religious faith that would make a first-year theology student wince.” It is Žižek’s informed critique of religion – not to mention embrace of its revolutionary legacy – that earns him the respect of Christian critics such as Eagleton as well as respected theologians such as John Milbank, who has recently been engaged in debate with Žižek documented in the book The Monstrosity of Christ.

From as early as his first English language title The Sublime Object of Ideology, most of Žižek’s books include some kind of passing reference to, or mere examples of, God, religious discourse, or even the theology-inspired quips of crime writer and Catholic G.K. Chesterton, though the substantial regard for the “perverse core of Christianity”, as Žižek terms it, came at a later stage in Žižek’s great deluge of work, influenced by fellow radical philosopher Alain Badiou.

In his 1999 work The Ticklish Subject, Žižek critiqued Badiou’s – at the time relatively unheard of - work Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism, a work which attempted to find in the life and times of Saint Paul, apostle to the gentiles, a politically revolutionary method which opened up the concentration of power from the top, and one that undid the postmodern notion of multitudinal, or many-layered, truths – which for Badiou is the logic of globalisation – into the radical assertion that there is one universal truth. The way in which Saint Paul was a figurehead for these two aspects is itself twofold; first, on his way to Damascus with the intention of arresting Jesus’ followers Paul experienced a calling from Jesus (who is at this stage dead) telling him to turn back and embrace him and his word, to which Paul, on that road, became converted. Second, and very important for both Badiou and Žižek, Paul was Jewish, and thus must be analysed as someone emerging out of the Jewish tradition in order to show how Pauline Christianity (the early branch of Christianity linked with Paul) traversed Jewish law to create an opening for a gentile embrace of Jesus.

This point – with a great deal of emphasis on Romans 7 where Paul speaks of knowing sin through law – is very important for both Badiou and Žižek, and it is also where their readings on Paul depart from one another. For Badiou, Paul symbolises the point of departure from Jewish particularism (differentiation on the grounds of race or cultural practice) to the “neither Jew nor Greek” of Pauline Christianity. Further, Badiou perceived Paul as representing the escape from law into the realm of political grace. But Žižek, though to begin with rather complimentary about Badiou’s position, later viewed the law as not so much something to hurdle over, but as something that itself defined the political bearings of Christianity.

It is here for Žižek that we encounter his notion of the “perverse core of Christianity”. To get the full sense of what is meant by perversity requires a small deviation into the world of French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan – Žižek’s mentor – via Sigmund Freud. Freud characterises the superego as the part of the psychic apparatus which acts as a kind of moral high ground, an overseer of the ego which represents an understanding of reality distinct from the id which can make no coordinated considerations of the world in which the subject finds himself.

For Lacan, public law such as “No Photos” or “Do not go on the grass” implicitly attracts the subject of that law to commit the very thing it prohibits (exactly in the way that if we tell the child not to eat the freshly baked cakes, we are simultaneously pointing out the method with which the child can ignore our demands). The point at which the attempts of prohibition by public law fail, like here, is precisely where superego emerges. And for Lacan, as it is for Žižek, the superego is not the moral conscience (as it would be for Freud) but rather the stigmatisation of our ethical betrayal, or in other words the invitation to transgress the law whether we like it or not, what is known as the superego injunction to enjoy! This adds something rather provocative to the pushing of boundaries.

This is the groundwork for Žižek’s point; that the Jewish law is a necessary and constitutive element of Christianity (as he would put it, its “obscene shadow”), and that “perversity” is the key strategy to what he calls “Really Existing Christianity” (owing his usage to the Soviet propaganda term “Really Existing Socialism”) which is why at this stage Žižek is strictly appropriating the Judeo-Christian legacy. What might be less obvious is how looking at the Jewish stance towards the law has anything to do with atheism. This all becomes clear when we look at Job.

In the Book of Job, Job finds himself caught up in a tit-for-tat argument between God and Satan, where Satan opines that Job’s loyalty to God is only a product of the protection that God supplies him. To prove to Satan that this is not the case, God starts to lessen his protection over Job, to which Job regardless remains loyal, inadvertently proving Satan wrong. In this, Žižek rejects the notion that Job was a patient sufferer, rather preferring to evaluate Job’s silence, after realising that God was only acting up for Satan, as Job’s realisation of God’s impotence. In Žižek’s opinion, this kind of catastrophic revelation would normally spell doom for ethnic groups and nations under God, but it is this that binds the Jewish community together. (Tragically, the holocaust has been represented as the foremost narrative for God’s impotence in the way in which we have just seen – and it is one that has not been lost on Žižek who exemplifies similar versions himself – that instead of being stumped by the problem of evil, the reason the Jews were not saved by God in the gas chambers of Dachau and Auschwitz, was simply because he wasn’t able to save them.)

From here, Žižek moves over to speculate on the crucifixion of Jesus. Within the context of God’s impotence, we can see why he would not have been able to simply save Jesus on the Cross (with Job his position is nullified by an argument with Satan; and with the Jews, his chosen subjects, he is unable to deliver them from tragedy). The Cross, for Žižek, reveals God facing up to his own impotence, but further, because God is Christ, the crucifixion demonstrates a gesture of atheism, or as G.K. Chesterton put it – which Žižek frequently paraphrases in reference to the Cross – “God seemed for an instant to be an atheist.”

And it is precisely here that Žižek takes a giant leap from speculating on theological matters, to asserting something significant to theological discourse, that being what he has called “Materialist Theology” – meaning that there is more than just analogical value in theology to describe human society, though it seeks no grounding in a presupposed divine figure. In other words the legacy of Judeo-Christianity specifically has meant that the world has been shaped by a philosophically materialist enhancement of Matthew 18:20 “For where two or three come together in my name, there am I in the midst of them.” But can a materialistic theology take this passage literally?

It seems it can be so taken by Žižek, who elaborates on a materialistic rearticulating of the Holy Spirit, which features in his latest offering The Monstrosity of Christ: Paradox or Dialectic? co-written in debate form with the Radical Orthodox theologian John Milbank. The book is the brainchild of Creston Davis, who studied under both Žižek and Milbank, and is premised on the notion that “modern Christianity has finally met its doom”. Žižek, arguing his corner with Hegelian dialectics (thesis + antithesis = synthesis), cites Jesus as the “monstrous exception”, that is to say the figure who cannot be grounded in rational terms due to his part in the Trinity, but who all the same grounds the rational itself. This takes some thinking, but what Žižek is suggesting here, using the same logic as before with the superego injunction to enjoy, is that the conception of the other world which Jesus is said to occupy given his Godly status, is the foundation with which reality (on Earth) has been based, in contradistinction to the beyond.

It is vital that everything usually assumed in the Christian reading of Jesus on the Cross (since Paul, of course) remains in order for Žižek to reach his radical conclusion. As was mentioned earlier, for Žižek the Cross was one of the factors that represented the impotence of God, therefore on the advent of Christ’s death the functioning of both Father and Son in the Trinity ceased to be, so only the Holy Spirit must remain – which naturally for Žižek means the community of believers, through whose activity the notion of “reincarnation” can properly exist (incidentally the parallels between this and “Death of God Theology” are well established by Žižek himself). It is clear to see Žižek’s point: in dialectical fashion, the otherness or monstrousness of Christ, spliced with human substance opens up a community of believers that preserve Christ as in the midst of us.

Not only does this dialectic demonstrate Hegel’s place in addressing the Trinity (Žižek’s main task in the said book), the synthesis presupposes what Žižek might call the “non-all” of material reality, or what we shall call the limits of knowledge. Put simply; our knowledge of the world has blind spots, and this is clearly demonstrable in the dialectical way in which the Holy Spirit has been coordinated. The grounding of material reality is partly based on the assumption that there is more to reality than we can claim to perceive (even in the sense of scientific limits which cannot logically verify that there is no more to life than what is available to scientific or human perception). Coming full circle, isn’t this the problem of today’s hubristic atheism of the type purported by “Ditchkins” who pretends to have found the answers to God’s existence (or lack of) in either scientific discovery or carefully worded deductions?

The beauty of Žižek’s theological atheism is that it accepts the limits of knowledge (even scientific) regarding material reality, but also views in the legacy of Judeo-Christianity room for an atheism that isn’t just based on simple caricatures. There is substance to the notion of Holy Spirit that is born out of a gap in knowledge and the human referent of divine impotence that binds a community together, precisely the project of Saint Paul. For Žižek this version of atheism is the very supplement necessary to save modern Christianity from doom.

Carl Packman is a freelance writer who has written for the New Statesman and Seven, and the author of the blog raincoat optimism

A Marxist view of Islamic and Indian philosophy


Indian and Islamic philosophy


Alan Woods has written an extra chapter to his book on the History of Philosophy dealing with the historical development of Indian and Islamic philosophy. He separates out the progressive from the reactionary elements, and also highlights the great contribution of both to philosophical thinking on a world level.

1) India.

Indian philosophy is traditionally divided into four periods: 1) the Vedic period; 2) the classical (or Brahmin-Buddhist) period, lasting from the 6th century B.C. to the 10th century A.D. approximately; 3) the post-classical or Hinduistic period, from the 10th to the 18th centuries; and 4) the modern period, from the British conquest to the present day.

Oriental philosophy was always closely bound up with religion, starting with Hinduism itself. Hinduism is a system of religious ideas and concepts which has persisted in most of the Indian Subcontinent from the early Middle Ages till the present day, although it includes elements that come from a very remote past. Thus Shivaism has pre-Vedic roots and is related to the idea of Shiva, the lord of fettered animals. In its modern form, however, it arose from the general social and ideological crisis in India in the 6th-4th centuries B.C. In the Hinduistic period, the Vishnu and Shiva systems were developed. It was stated that the Brahman of the Upanishads is the god Shiva, Siva or Vishnu. In his great History of Philosophy, Hegel writes: "Indian culture is developed to a high degree, and it is imposing, but its philosophy is identical with its Religion, and the objects to which attention is devoted in Philosophy are the same as those which we find brought forward in Religion. Hence the holy books or Vedas also form the general groundwork for Philosophy." (G.W.F. Hegel, Lectures on the History of Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 126.)

In Hinduism, certain dialectical elements can be found in embryo, such as the idea of the three phases of creation (Brahma), maintenance of order (Vishnu) and destruction or disorder (Shiva). Ian Stewart, who has written on Chaos Theory, points out that the difference between the gods Shiva, "the Untamed", and Vishnu is not the antagonism between good and evil, but that the real principles of harmony and discord together underline the whole of existence. "In the same way," he writes, "mathematicians are beginning to view order and chaos as two distinct manifestations of an underlying determinism. And neither exists in isolation. The typical system can exist in a variety of states, some ordered, some chaotic. Instead of two opposed polarities, there is a continuous spectrum. As harmony and discord combine in musical beauty, so order and chaos combine in mathematical beauty." (Ian Stewart, Does God Play Dice? p. 22.)

Hegel was not entirely fair to Indian philosophy, since he ignored the non-Vedic materialist strain in Indian philosophy, with his customary prejudice towards materialism in general. However, it is true that the genesis of Indian philosophy is to be found in the oldest of the Indian writings, the Vedas.

Under the impact of Islam, several other monotheistic religions arose in the 10th century, notably Sikhism as an attempt to reconcile Hinduism with Islam. Hinduism is characterised by an extreme proliferation -almost an over-production- of gods. At one time, the number of gods and goddesses in India (330 million) outstripped the current total population. But from the earliest times we also find the opposite tendency: a tendency in the direction of materialism and atheism.

Indian philosophy arose on the basis of one of the oldest of human civilisations, a line of cultural development which far pre-dates the culture of Western Europe. The Indian cultural traditions has its roots as far back as the 10th-15th centuries B.C. and extends in a virtually unbroken thread down to the present day, showing considerable vitality and exuberance. The original source for all Indian philosophy is the ancient body of oral literature known as the Vedas, the most famous of which is the Rig-Veda. These contain, in addition to hymns to nature-gods and details of rituals, other material of a clearly philosophical character. As early as 1500 B.C. the Rig-Veda asks the question: Where does the universe come from? Likewise, the opening verse of one of the Upanishads asks: "Propelled by what does a directed mind fall upon its object? By whom was life first set in motion? Urged by whom are these words being spoken? Which god harnesses the eyes and ears?"

The Vedas

The very earliest Indian religious writings, the Vedas, date from about 1500 B.C. and therefore may be considered as the oldest philosophical literature in the world. In a formal sense, the Vedas are hymns to the gods, but, as Hegel also points out Oriental religions are more philosophical in character than Western Christianity. The gods have less of a personal character and are more akin to general concepts and symbols. We even find the elements of dialectics in Hinduism, and above all in Buddhism, as Engels has explained. The gods and goddesses of the Vedas are not persons but manifestations of ultimate truth and reality, and these writings contain a wealth of philosophical and religious speculation about the nature of the universe. The Vedas already contain the germ of a philosophical idea -namely, the concept of a single world order (Ritam). The principle of order, right and justice is thus built into the fabric of the universe itself. There is also a unity of opposites (the particular and the universal) in the unity of Brahman, the world-soul, and Atman, the individual soul; the immortality of the soul which is re-incarnated in accordance with karma or the law of retribution. By doing what is right a man can escape from the eternal treadmill of reincarnation.

The Upanishads, which are ancient commentaries on the Vedas, constitute a further body of Indian philosophical literature, investing the Vedic gods and rites with new philosophical content. The earliest of these texts date from between 10th and 6th centuries B.C. They have had a tremendous effect not only on Indian thinking but also for social life for thousands of years. The Indian caste system, with its elaborate system of rules governing what members of each caste may or may not do, is presented by the Upanishads as an immutable product of the order of the universe. In this scheme of things, Brahma is the creative principle that underlies everything. From this universal principle, everything is born, and returns to after death. Belief in reincarnation is reaffirmed and provides the basis for man's moral conduct. The notion of retribution (karma) maintained, for example, that a slanderer would be re-born with bad breath! In order to escape from this cycle, man must devote himself to contemplation of the unity of the soul (atman) with brahma.

The mystical and idealist nature of this does not require any comment. However, a reading of the Upanishads shows that they contain a series of arguments intended as a rebuttal of materialist and atheist ideas, which were present from the very dawn of Indian philosophy. In his book Man, God and Religion, the modern Indian materialist Geetesh Sharma (himself a former Hindu priest) gives several examples of this:

"In some of the 'suktas' of the Vedas, there is evidence of opposition to the 'Yagnas' [fire worship] and rituals conducted by the priests.

"In the age of the Upanishads, this criticism of the priests becomes all the more sharp. In chhandogya Upanishad, the procession of the priests has been compared to a procession of dogs. In Mundak Upanishad the ritual of human sacrifice and other rites have been severely criticised.

"In the 18 dominant Upanishads there is one Shvasan Veda Upanishad. This Upanishad basically consists of materialist and naturalist teachings. In one section, it is written: 'neither is there any avatar, nor is there any God; neither a heaven nor a hell. All this traditional religious literature is a conception of self-conceited fools'. " (G. Sharma, Man, God and Religion, p. 37.)

The Carvakas

There were always those who denied the authority of the Vedas and the life of the soul after death. The earliest Indian materialists, like their Greek counterparts, regarded the elements (water, fire, air) or else time or space, as the primary substance of the universe. The earliest information of this materialist doctrine is to be found in the Vedas and in the Sanskrit epics. The name, Lokayata, means "the view held by the common people", "the system which has its base in the common, profane world", "the art of sophistry", and also "the philosophy that denies that there is any world other than this one". Tradition attributes the Lokayata doctrine to a sage called Brihaspati, who, along with another figure called Charvaka (or Charvak), were the most outstanding proponents of the materialist doctrine. Since nothing is known about them, many have thought them to be mythical personages. But then, very little is known about the early Greek philosophers either, yet we usually accept them as historical figures.

Carvaka rejected the notion of an afterworld, the authority of the sacred scriptures, the Vedas, and the immortality of the self. All such non-material objects as "afterlife", "destiny", or "soul" do not exist. Consciousness thus is viewed as a product of the material structure of the body and characterises the body itself -rather than a soul- and perishes with the body. The Lokayata doctrine conceived of the universe as being formed of the four elements: earth, water, air and fire. In some texts, a fifth element (the ether) is added. These elements, in turn, were said to be composed of atoms, indivisible units which were conceived as immutable, indestructible and having existed for all time. The properties of any given object were determined by the atoms that comprised it. Likewise, consciousness and the senses were the result of a particular combination of atoms and the proportions in which they were combined. After the death of an organism, this combination disintegrated into elements that then combined with corresponding types of atoms in inanimate nature.

This early Indian materialism, for its incompleteness and naïve elements, contains the germs of a profound idea and represents a brilliant anticipation of modern atomic science, in the same way as the philosophy of Democritus, Leukippus and Epicurus in ancient Greece. Moreover, in some ways it anticipated the modern theory of evolution. Some of the texts describe how certain elements originate from others, with the earth as the primordial source of all development. In the field of epistemology (the theory of knowledge) the doctrine of Lokayata is sensory, that is to say, it states that all human knowledge is derived from the senses (sense-perception). The sense-organs can only apprehend objects because they themselves are composed of the same elements. Like is known to like. Therefore it denied the possibility of any indirect knowledge. Inference and conclusion were regarded as false instruments of cognition. Of the recognised means of knowledge (pramana), the Carvaka recognised only direct perception (anubhava). "Seeing is the source of all evidence," Brihaspati is supposed to have said.

This shows the negative side of early Indian materialism, which tended towards a narrow sensualism. But this is a defect which it shares with all materialism before Marx. The same narrowness can be seen in, say, the English empirical materialism of Bacon, Locke and Hobbes who nevertheless represented a giant step forward in relation to the idealism and religious obscurantism of the Middle Ages and laid the base for the whole development of modern science. What is astonishing about this early materialism is not its limitations but its extraordinary insight and profundity.

In striking contrast to the mysticism and asceticism of the prevailing religion, the Indian materialists denied the existence of god, the soul and the idea of retribution ("Karma"). This school was alone in the whole gamut of Indian thought that rejected the transmigration of souls. instead, the predominant feature of Lokayata was a healthy and cheerful hedonism. Against the perspective of a never-ending cycle of life and death with the prospect of an eventual spiritual liberation, Carvaka ethics urged each individual to seek his or her pleasure here and now. "As long as you live, live life to the fullest," said Charvaka. "After death, the body is turned to ashes. There is no re-birth." These words, so full of love for humanity and life, are strikingly reminiscent of the life-enhancing philosophy of Epicurus.

With great courage, and also with a lively sense of humour, the Carvaka materialists mocked religious ceremonies, saying that they were invented by the Brahmans (the priestly caste) to ensure their livelihood. When the Brahmans defended animal sacrifices by claiming that the sacrificed beast goes straight to heaven, the members of the Carvaka asked why the Brahmans did not kill their aged parents to speed them on their way to heaven!

Of other early Indian materialists, Geetesh Sharma writes: "Kapil's 'sankhya-philosophy' is basically atheistic. Buddha and Mahavir did not believe in the concept of God yet Mahavir was more spiritualist. Buddha conceived of a religion that had the absence of a Godly concept and was rather based on humanistic principles, logically formulated, illustrating the basic human values of life. He wanted to bring about the emancipation of suffering humanity and therefore based the fundamental principles of his religion on those values, while still being an atheist.

"Madhavacharya, in his works, has elaborated on the theory of materialist philosophers who believed only in the present existing world. They did not believe in the theory of divine creation of the universe by a supernatural power. According to them, if there is a benevolent God supervising humanity, then why is it that a majority of the human population is in the throes of misery and suffering? If there is a just God above us, then why is there so much injustice on the earth, against the poor and deprived sections of society?

"Saint Brihaspati, pioneer of materialism, during the age of the Rig Veda, believed that fire worship, ritualism, practising the Vedas, smearing ashes all over the body, etc., were antics performed by those who considered themselves powerful and learned (...) Dhishan, the disciple of Brihaspati, considers the composers of the Vedic texts a group of confidence-tricksters. The Vedic thinker Permeshthin considered matter as the complete truth. According to him, it is the only source of ideal knowledge." (G. Sharma, Man, God and Religion, pp. 36-7.)

Unfortunately, little is known about the details of this philosophy. Owing to the fierce opposition of the Vedic establishment, not a single document has come down to us, and we are obliged to learn about the ideas of these heroes from the writings of their enemies, particularly the philosophical treatises and compendia (darsana) written by the Vedic opponents of Lokayata between the 9th and 16th centuries. Ultimately, the supporters of materialism were fighting a lost battle. The triumph of the Vedas and Upanishads was consolidated in the classical period. But even then there was always a strand of unorthodox thinking that challenged the Vedic authority upheld by the orthodox Mimamsa, Samkhya, Yoga, Nyaya, Vaiseshika and Vedanta schools. Apart from the consistently atheist and materialist schools of Charkvakas and Lokayata, there were also non-orthodox movements such as the Buddhist and Jainist schools.

All anti-Vedic schools, and even some Vedic schools such as Samkhya and Mimamsa, were atheistic. The existence of god was a standard topic for rational debate. In the 11th century Udayana, in his Flower Offerings of Arguments, set forth five ways of proving the existence of god. The atheists put forward excellent rejoinders, like the following: "If the universe requires a maker because it undergoes change, even God needs a maker because he sometimes creates, sometimes destroys."

Buddhism and dialectics

The period of the 6th century B.C. in India was a turbulent one. The primitive communal system was collapsing and being replaced by class society, the cleavage of society into rich and poor and the rise of an oppressive state. Such periods in human history are inevitably characterised by a crisis of ideology, and the birth of new schools of philosophy, politics and religion. Siddhartha Gotama, known to his followers as the Buddha (the Enlightened One) was the founder of just such a radical school of thought that developed as a reaction to the ossified form of the old Vedic philosophy

Born about 563 B.C., the son of a nobleman, Siddhartha is typical of the type of person who breaks away from the upper class and begins to reflect the protests and aspirations of the common people in a revolutionary period. Until he was 29 years old, he lived the sheltered life of a typical prince, with every luxury he could desire. According to legend, he saw a vision (the "Four Signs") which jolted him out of his complacency. He saw in rapid succession a very feeble old man, a hideous leper, a funeral, and a venerable ascetic monk. He began to think about old age, disease, and death, and decided to follow the way of the monk. For six years he led an ascetic life of renunciation, but finally, while meditating under a tree, he concluded that the solution was not withdrawal from the world, but rather a practical life of compassion for suffering humanity.

Buddhism is often thought to be a religion, and indeed over the centuries it has adopted the outward appearance of a religion. This is ironic, because the Buddha himself was opposed to religion. He rejected the authority of the Vedas and refused to set up any alternative creed. The old Brahman religion, with its rigid division of society into castes, its complicated rites and sacrifices to the gods, was becoming widely discredited. By contrast, Siddhartha's doctrine was direct and simple and eagerly accepted by the masses. He considered religious ceremonies as a waste of time and theological beliefs as mere superstition. In place of religious beliefs and religious ceremonies, the Buddha advocated a life devoted to universal compassion and brotherhood.

He taught that it was possible to gain liberation from suffering, not by changing society or fighting to dominate nature, but by withdrawing from life, seeking to gain moral perfection and submerging oneself in nirvana. Through such a life one might reach the ultimate goal, Nirvana, a state in which all living things are free from pain and sorrow. It is generally supposed that because Nirvana can be reached by meditation, Buddhism teaches a withdrawal from the real world. But this is debatable. A Buddhist might reply that the goal of Nirvana is not to be sought for oneself alone. It is regarded as a unity of the individual self with the universal self in which all things take part. Through living a life of compassion and love for all, a person achieves the liberation from selfish cravings sought by the ascetic and a serenity and satisfaction that are more fulfilling than anything obtained by indulgence in pleasure until everything that exists in the universe has attained Nirvana.

However, leaving aside the accusation that Buddhism involves a passive element, whereby men and women learn to accept their lot instead of struggling actively to change it, Buddhism, in its origins, undoubtedly contained an important critical and revolutionary element. Buddha denied the existence of god as the creator of the world. He rejected the teachings of the Vedas. He accepted the old idea of the cycle of births and deaths (sansara) and retribution (karma), but here it has a different sense. It meant that reincarnation depended, not on a man's caste, or on what rituals and sacrifices he performed, but only on his good or bad actions. In the realm of ethics, Buddhism advocated a morality based on selflessness and compassion for suffering humanity. The Buddha told his followers to think for themselves and take responsibility for their own future. The revolutionary implications of this idea, and its appeal to the masses at this time, is self-evident.

The new doctrine was argued in a highly consistent and logical way in the 2nd century A.D. by Nagarjuna, whose rationalism became the basis for the development of Buddhist logic. In common with the great idealist thinkers of the West, Nagarjuna, in defence of a false idealist theory (here carried to the extreme of a denial of the reality of the world) nevertheless pushed the development of logic and dialectics forward. The logic of Buddhism was later developed by other notable thinkers such as Dignaga and Dharmakirti (500-700 A.D.). This laid the basis for later idealist schools such as Madhyamaka, Vijnanavada, Tantric Buddhism and Zen Buddhism.

However, the character of the new movement gradually changed. In the first period (the 3rd century to the 1st century B.C.) the Buddha's idea of salvation was based on the idea that the world and human personality constitute a stream of elements of matter and consciousness (the dharmas) which constantly replaced each other. The road to salvation lay in not disturbing the dharmas. But in the early centuries A.D. Buddhism was transformed. Before this Buddha was only a revered teacher. Now he became deified, and salvation had to be sought through the favour of the deity, by the constant repetition of the sacred sutras (scriptures). In this way, Buddhism was turned into its opposite. This new version of Buddhism (Mahayana) was radically different from the original version (Hinayana) taught by the Buddha himself. The latter taught that the material and psychical dharmas were real, whereas the doctrine of Mahayana maintains, not only the dharmas, but the whole world, is unreal.

Throughout the history of Indian philosophy there was always a struggle between materialism and idealism. Both Buddhist and Brahman writers denounced materialist philosophies like that of Samakara, the most outstanding Vedanta philosopher. They waged a fierce struggle against the materialist ideas of this school and also the empiricism of the Nyaya and Vaiseshika schools. Even within Buddhism itself there was a struggle between trends that leaned towards materialism or idealism, such as the struggle between the idealist Madhyamika and yogacara schools against the materialist doctrine of the Theravidins and the Sarvastivadins. Through such bitter internal strife and debate, philosophy develops and grows, creating the necessary tools in the form of logic, which experienced a certain development at the hands of such Buddhist philosophers as Dignaga and Dharmakirti.

However, towards the end of the classical period, Hinduism was fighting back. Janaism, that other great opposition trend in the religious world of the Indian Subcontinent, with its strict insistence on non-violence and respect for all life, was losing ground. And finally Buddhism itself, despite all its brilliant successes, was virtually ousted from India. The Buddha lived and taught in India, and so Buddhism is generally considered an Indian ethical philosophy. Yet, Buddhism did not sink deep roots in the land of its origin. Instead, it spread in different forms south into Sri Lanka and South-east Asia, and north through Tibet to China, Korea, and Japan. In the process, Buddhism suffered the same fate as the Vedic philosophy against which it had rebelled: it became a religion, often rigid, with its own sects, ceremonies, and superstitions -an ironic fate, if one considers the original views of its founder.

The dynamic element in Buddhism, its dialectical side, is shown by its view of reality as something eternally changing and impermanent. By contrast, for the Vedanta philosophy, only the changeless and eternal is real. Modern Buddhist thinkers tend to lay more stress on its "rationalistic" and "atheistic" character with the aim of making it more acceptable to educated westerners in search of a satisfying alternative to Christianity that is dying on its feet. But although it is true that Buddhism in its original form possesses a rational core, and that some of the elements of dialectics were present in it, they were present only in an extremely primitive and undeveloped form, as in Heraclitus and the early Greek philosophers. This represented the first faltering steps of dialectical philosophy, like the first steps of a child that is learning to walk. It is true that childhood has a charm all of its own, and all of us at times dream of returning to it. But to propose to go back to an earlier, undeveloped and embryonic form, when we possess the fully developed, wide-ranging and profound philosophy of dialectical materialism, is like proposing to a grown man or woman that they should revert to childhood. The real development of dialectics can be found only in the revolutionary philosophy of Marxism.

Decay of Indian philosophy

The advent of colonialism had the effect of throwing back the development of Indian philosophy. On the whole, the progress of philosophy in the 18th and 19th centuries was not noteworthy, and lagged behind the development of social and political awareness, linked to the national awakening and the commencement of the struggle for national liberation. The dominant influence in the newly founded universities was, naturally, the empiricist, utilitarian, and agnostic philosophies imported from England, along with other shoddy products of Victorian Britain. The Indian intellectual was fed on the thin gruel of John Stuart Mill, Jeremy Bentham, and Herbert Spencer in order to addle their brains and ensure they did not read more subversive material. There were reactions against, usually of a conservative-mystical character like the Brahmo (Brahma) Samaj movement founded by Rammohan Ray and, toward the later decades of the century, the great saint Ramakrishna Paramahamsa of Calcutta. This reflected mere impotence in the face of Western domination, nothing more. Others played with Kant and Hegel, but without any substantial result. Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore made noises that sometimes sounded vaguely philosophical, but the degenerate Indian bourgeoisie was no more capable of producing independent thought than it was of leading a fight for genuine independence from British imperialism.

At the present day, more than fifty years after the declaration of Independence, India and Pakistan are more enslaved to imperialism than in the days of the Raj. The domination of imperialism is not nowadays realised through direct military-bureaucratic rule, but through the mechanism of the world market and the terms of trade, whereby more labour is exchanged for less. The enslavement is none the less for that. Fifty years later, the Indian and Pakistan bourgeoisies stand condemned before history. They have not realised a single one of the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution. They have not solved the agrarian problem. They have not modernised society. They have not solved the national problem. The Indian bourgeoisie has not even been capable of abolishing that atrocious relic of barbarism, the caste system. Above all, they have not got real independence at all.

And now society must pay the price for the rottenness and incapacity of the bourgeoisie. What an irony! Gandhi, Nehru, and the other leaders of Congress regarded themselves as secular, even socialists. Now, fifty years later, the monstrous head of Hindu chauvinism and communalism is being raised in India. This is the revenge of history, its final verdict on decades of rule by Congress. And a similar situation exists in Pakistan, where the dark forces of Islamic fundamentalism are threatening to tear apart the fabric of society. These reactionaries, in claiming the unique right to "defend" their own religion and culture, in fact do irreparable damage to both. Yet a study of the history of Islam shows that its greatest achievements were attained in periods of religious tolerance and freedom, whereas the so-called fundamentalists have caused nothing but harm to the Islamic world.

2) Philosophy of the Islamic world

The religion of Islam arose in the 7th century in Arabia, in the period of the transition of the Arab people from the primitive communal system to class society. It signified the unification of the Arabs in a common state (the Caliphate). The advent of Islam radically transformed the lives of millions of people. With its simple, levelling message, and its opposition to the reactionary caste system (though not classes) it struck a responsive note especially among the poorest and most downtrodden layers of the population. In its origins, Islam represented a revolutionary movement and the awakening of the great Arab nation. One of Mohammed's last speeches ends with the following words: "Ye people! hearken to my speech and comprehend the same. Know that every Moslem is the brother of every other Moslem. All of you are of the same equality." (Quoted in A.C. Bouquet, Comparative Religion, p. 270.)

Like all revolutionary movements in history, it also revealed itself as a spiritual and intellectual awakening. Despite frequent attempts by later so-called fundamentalists to interpret Islam in a narrow and fanatical spirit that denies independent thought and cultural inquiry, in its early period, the Islamic revolution gave a powerful impulse to culture, art and philosophy. In his classic Short History of the Saracens, Ameer Ali Syed has this to say about Ali, the nephew of the Prophet and head of the first Arab Republic: "While Islam was ... extending its sway in distant parts, Ali was endeavouring in Medina to give an turn to the new-developed energy of the Saracen race. In the public mosque at Medina, Ali and his cousin Abdullah the son of Abbais, delivered lectures on philosophy and logic, the traditions (history), rhetoric and law, whilst others dealt with other subjects. Thus was formed the nucleus of that intellectual movement which displayed itself in such great force in later times in Baghdad." (Ameer Ali Syed, Short History of the Saracens, p. 47.)

This was already the state of affairs in the 7th century. Contrary to the opinions of the modern fundamentalists, Islam, in its origins, was not equivalent to the worship of ignorance and narrow-minded fanaticism. In complete contrast to what passed for philosophy in the universities of medieval Europe, where it was utterly subservient to the Catholic Church, Islamic philosophy was not a handmaid of theology. The formative period of Islamic philosophy dates from the late 8th century to the mid-9th century. Supported by the Caliphs, notably Ma'mun, it was known for its tolerance and freedom of scientific inquiry. Scholars from nations conquered by the Arabs were welcomed by state-endowed institutions. Free-ranging rationalist debate was encouraged. An important feature was the study of Greek texts in translation. At a time when Europe languished in the dark ages, the flame of culture and civilisation was kept shining brightly in the Islamic countries. Baghdad was the centre of a vast civilisation that extended from Cordoba in Spain to India.

As early as 664 A.D. an Arab force reached as far as Afghanistan and took Kabul. About 717, the conquest of Sind was carried out. From here the Arabs turned south and captured Multan. By 1010 the western part of Punjab was subdued. In 1206 Kutb-ul-Din proclaimed himself sovereign of the whole of northern India at Delhi. During the next 120 years the invasion moved steadily south. In the 15th century, the Moslem rule in India was split up into a number of petty states. Finally, these were united into a mighty empire under the Moghul emperor Akbar and his successors. A.C. Bouquet writes: "Akbar was tolerant of Hinduism, and tried to establish an eclectic religion, including elements from all the other faiths recognised in his realm." (A.C. Bouquet, Comparative Religion, p. 138.)

This was a truly universal civilisation. Islamic thinkers such as Ibn Sina (known in the West by his Latin name Avicenna), who lived in Central Asia, in the important university town of Bokhara, was not only a philosopher but also a physician and natural scientist who, although faithful to Islam, did much to spread the knowledge of the scientific and philosophical knowledge of Greek antiquity throughout the Arab world, and thence to Europe, which, for all its fear of Islam, looked to the Arabs as a source of knowledge and education. There were many other great thinkers, like Al-Farabi (flourished 9th-10th centuries), the author of the first works of political philosophy within the context of the religion of Islam (The Attainment of Happiness and The Political Regime). Ibn Sina and others like him helped to consolidate rationalist thinking and propagate natural science and mathematics, both fields in which the Arabs made great discoveries.

Spain and the Arabs

The conquest of Spain which began in 711 A.D. marked a turning-point in world history. The Arabs who made the first incursions from North Africa had only intended to make a plundering raid, but the inner rottenness of the Visigoth kingdom led to its speedy collapse. The Arabs -or Moors as the Spaniards called them- conquered almost the whole Peninsular and advanced deep into France. The speed of the conquest was mainly because the oppressed Spanish masses rallied to the invaders, who certainly treated them better than their fellow Christian landlords.

The conquest of Spain had the character of a social-revolutionary war, which has been compared to the French revolution. The Arabs appeared before the Spanish serfs as social emancipators, not foreign conquerors. They abolished the oppressive rights of the possessing classes -the feudal landlords and clergy-, and replaced the crushing burden of taxes by a single tax which, as well as being relatively light, was not levied on women, children, the sick, the blind, beggars or slaves. Even the Christian monasteries were exempt. Most Spanish cities were granted favourable terms which were honourably kept by the conquerors. The only land that was confiscated was that of the nobles and clergy who had fled to join the enemy (the demand of the confiscation of the property of counterrevolutionary émigrés was later included by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto.)

In essence, Islam contains a democratic and levelling idea which asserts the equality of all men, irrespective of race or colour. This was remarkably advanced for the period under consideration. Far from persecuting other faiths, the Arabs in Spain were far more tolerant than the Christians either before or after Arab rule. They protected all religions and immediately allowed the persecuted Jews to worship freely. Let us recall that the Spanish Inquisition later brutally expelled the Jews from Spain. Like the Mogul rulers of India, they encouraged intermarriage between the conquerors and the conquered in order to bring about the fusion of the two peoples. They advanced agriculture and created the architectural wonders of Granada, Cordoba and Seville. No wonder a large part of the Spanish population became converts to Islam, and demonstrated their loyalty by fighting to defend their homeland and freedoms against the armies of Christian-feudal reaction in the North.

W.C. Atkinson describes the impact of Islamic culture on the minds of the Spaniards in the words of the famous lament of Alvaro of Cordoba: "Alas, all the Christian youths who become famous for their talent know only the language and the literature of the Arabs; they read and study zealously Arabic books, of which by dint of great expenditure they form extensive libraries, and proclaim aloud on all sides that this literature is worthy of admiration." (From W.C. Anderson, A History of Spain and Portugal, p. 60.)

The same author outlines the economic advance achieved by the Arabs in Spain: "Irrigation works, of which traces still survive today, made fertile wide areas of irregular or inadequate rainfall; rice, the sugar-cane, and other exotic crops were introduced; and although the Koran forbade the drinking of wine, the vine was cultivated on a large scale.

"Industry enjoyed a parallel prosperity, that ranged through gold and silver mining, the weaving of wool and silk, the manufacture of paper, introduced into Europe by the Arabs, and of glass, invented in Cordoba in the ninth century, metalwork, ceramics, and leatherware. The fame of these products travelled far, and to handle the flourishing commerce that resulted there grew up a great trading fleet based chiefly in Seville, Malaga, and Almeria." (Ibid., p. 58.)

Thus began a period of economic and social advance that lasted for centuries, and with it a brilliant chapter in the history of human culture, art and science. One commentator writes: "The Moors organised that wonderful kingdom of Cordova, which was the marvel of the Middle Ages, and, when all Europe was plunged in barbaric ignorance and strife, alone held the torch of learning and civilisation bright and shining before the Western world." (Quoted in Ameer Ali Syed, Short History of the Saracens, p. 115.)

Anyone who today visits the Alhambra in Granada or the Mosque at Cordoba will instantly understand that the Arabs of Spain were far in advance of medieval Europe, which they excelled, not only in science and technology, but also in the fine arts, sculpture and painting. The Arabs' cultural tradition was broad: it included the study of logic, the sciences of nature (including psychology and biology), the mathematical sciences (including music and astronomy), metaphysics, ethics, and politics. No town, however small, was without a school or collage, while every principal town had its own university, including Cordoba (renowned throughout Europe), Seville (Ishbilia), Malaga, Zaragoza, Lisbon (Alishbuna), Jaen and Salamanca, which subsequently became the most prestigious of all Spanish universities. There were a galaxy of writers, poets, historians and philosophers.

Contrary to what one might expect, there were many famous women intellectuals. At a time when the notion of the equality of women would have been anathema in Christian Europe, many distinguished poetesses and cultured ladies were held in esteem in Cordoba and Granada. Hassana at-Tamimiyeh, daughter of Abu'l Hussain the poet, and Umm ul-Ula, both natives of Guadalajara, flourished in the 6th century of the Hegira. Ammat ul-Aziz (a descendant of the Prophet, and therefore styled ash-Sharifa) and al-Ghusanieh, from the province of Almeria, were both women who were in the front rank of scholars at the time. There were many others. Mariam, daughter of Abu Yakub al-Ansari, was a native of Seville, where she taught rhetoric, poetry and literature, "which, joined to her piety, her good morals, her virtues, and amiable disposition, gained her the affection of her sex and gave her many pupils." (Ameer Ali Syed, op. cit., p. 578.)

Backward Europe and advanced Asia

So far from Islamic thought being limited to mysticism and religious fanaticism, it showed a natural inclination to rationalism and science, in which for centuries the Arabs led the world. Great advances were made especially in mathematics and astronomy, but also in many other spheres of science and technology. This point is made by Alfred Hooper in his history of mathematics:

"We have much for which to thank the Moors. They introduced new ideas about medicine and medical knowledge; they taught improved methods of working in metal and leather; they built waterworks, sluices and canals in Spain; in all, they brought the wisdom of India and the East to a Europe which had sunk back into ignorance and savage ways.

"The Arabs were familiar with the work of the great Greek mathematicians who had built up the 'Golden age of Greek mathematics' before the fragile and wonderful civilisation of Greece was absorbed by the intensely practical and utilitarian Romans; they also introduced into Spain the new and revolutionary method of writing numbers that they had learned from the Hindus, a method that was to pave the way for our modern world of science and engineering and mathematics." Alfred Hooper, Makers of Mathematics, p. 24.)

Throughout the Middle Ages the only real advances in mathematics were made by the Indians and Arabs. It was they who discovered trigonometry. It was the Arabs who discovered algebra. The very word is Arabic -al-jabr- which, like so many other things, found its way into Europe from Spain. The Arab mathematician al-Khowarizmi, as well as writing a book on Hindu-Arab number systems (the Indians also played a vital role in developing mathematics, and the Arabs learned from them), wrote another book on the treatment of equations which he called al jabr w'al muquabalah, "the reunion and the opposition". This was later translated into Latin and hence became accessible to Europeans.

Alfred Hooper comments: "The years from about 800 to about 1450, known as the Middle Ages, were marked by an almost complete stagnation of independent thought, which paralysed mathematical progress and cast its gloom over European mathematicians as over all other thinkers." (A. Hooper, op. cit., p. 84.)

The same author adds: "Centuries after the Arabs had introduced the new number-symbols into Europe many people still clung to the old familiar Roman numerals and would have nothing to do with the new system, which they associated with traders and heathens. By the 13th century, however, the new system of writing numbers had become established in many parts of Europe. It was not until then that any real development in the number-reckoning we now call elementary arithmetic could take place." (Ibid., p. 26, my emphasis.)

The Medieval world gained access to the ideas of Aristotle and Plato mainly from Arab sources. Out of a host of brilliant thinkers who influenced medieval Europe, a special mention must be made of Ibn Roshd Muhammed -known in the West by his Latin name Averroës. This great Arab philosopher lived between 1126 and 1198 in Spain during the Caliphate of Cordoba. In his writings, we see the elements of a materialist philosophy, derived from a careful reading of Aristotle. Although he remained a devout Moslem, Ibn Roshd attempted to prove that matter and motion could neither be created nor destroyed, thus anticipating the conservation theories of modern physics. He likewise denied the immortality of the soul. So radical were these ideas, that his theories were persecuted by orthodox Moslems. But through the work of this great philosopher, particularly his commentaries on Aristotle, Europeans became acquainted with the long-forgotten world of classical Greek philosophy.

The main fountainhead of this knowledge was Islamic Spain, which, until it was destroyed by the Christians, was a flourishing, prosperous and cultured nation. Granada, Seville and Cordoba were important and internationally renowned centres of learning. All religions were treated with enlightened tolerance, until the Spaniards led by those narrow-minded and fanatical bigots Fernando of Castille and Isabelle of Aragon set about reducing the flower of Al-Andalus to a heap of bloody ashes. It is ironic that, to this day, Europeans still see themselves as the exclusive bearers of human culture when for the whole of the Middle Ages they acted as the grave-diggers of culture in the East.

The so-called Crusades about which so much romantic rubbish has been written were just so many destructive and bloodthirsty raids of barbarians against people who were, in every respect, their superiors. One of the Christian chroniclers of the siege of Granada, Father Agapito, writes in contemptuous terms about the Arab habit of washing themselves: "Water is more necessary to these infidels than bread; as they make use of it in repeated daily ablutions, and employ it in baths, and in a thousand other idle and extravagant modes, of which we Spaniards and Christians make but little account." (See W. Irving, The Conquest of Granada, p. 251.)

The reactionary and barbarous nature of the Crusades has been sufficiently demonstrated by modern historians like Stephen Runciman. Here is a typical extract by another writer: "In each captured city the Tafurs [poor crusaders] looted everything they could lay their hands on, raped the Moslem women and carried out indiscriminate massacres. The official leaders of the Crusade had no authority over them at all. When the Emir of Antioch protested about the cannibalism of the Tafurs, the princes could only admit apologetically: 'All of us together cannot tame King Tafur'." (N. Cohen, In Search of the Millennium, pp. 66-7.)

And again: "The fall of Jerusalem was followed by a great massacre; except for the governor and his bodyguard, every Moslem -man, woman and child- was killed. In and around the Temple of Solomon 'the horses waded in blood up to their knees, nay up to the bridle. It was a just and wonderful judgement of God that the same place should receive the blood of those whose blasphemies it had so long carried up to God.' As for the Jews of Jerusalem, they took refuge in their chief synagogue and they were all burnt alive. Weeping with joy and singing songs of praise the crusaders marched in procession to the church of the Holy Sepulchre. 'Oh new day, new day and exultation, new and everlasting gladness... That day, famed through all centuries to come, turned all our sufferings and hardships into joy and exultation; that day, the confirmation of Christianity, the annihilation of paganism, the renewal of our faith!'" (Ibid., p. 68.)

Reactionary trends in Islam

The development of Islamic culture, however, did not proceed in a straight line, any more than any other. From the beginning there were conflicting tendencies. There was a reactionary strand. Islam, after all, was born as a religion of conquest. The notion of hostility to infidels (gyawurs), the inferiority of women, and the justification of social inequality, were also present -although at that time, no more than among the Christians. Like all religions, Islam is open to a narrow and fanatical interpretation (fundamentalism). At times, there were periods of reaction, which curtailed the advance of rationalist thought and scientific discovery. The destruction of the great Abbasid Caliphate by the Mongols in the 13th century set the whole process back and prepared the way for one of the periodic outbursts of Islamic fundamentalism. Ibn Taymiyya called for believers to rid Islam of all innovations. This is the expression, not of the advance of Islam, but of internal crisis, division and decline. This fundamentalist reaction was a disaster for the development of thought and culture in the Arab world. For a time, the flame passed to Iran.

In the 16th century, the Shi'ite scholars were identified with a philosophy of enlightenment which even found a political expression. As a result new scientific and philosophical advances were made possible. The great period of revival came in the 16th and 17th centuries in Iran under the Safavid dynasty, which established the Shiite brand of Islam as the official state religion, primarily as a defence against the Sunni Ottoman empire. The Safavids provided artists and intellectuals with well-endowed institutions and a liberal atmosphere in which to carry on their work. As in every other period where Islamic scholars have been allowed freedom to live and breathe, brilliant results were achieved by thinkers such as Mir Damad and his pupil Molla Sadra and other luminaries of the school of Isfahan.

All this is sufficient to disprove the Western prejudice that the East in general, and the Islamic world in particular, has produced nothing of note in the field of philosophy. In those periods where Islamic scholars were permitted the freedom to develop, they have proved more than equal to the best that the West has produced. But where Islam has been interpreted in a narrow and fanatical spirit, great harm has been done. The intellectual, resenting the onerous restrictions placed upon him, has reacted against the authority of a religion that appears to be the negation of culture and freedom. Thus, there is an anti-religious strain in Islamic poetry. As the following examples show. In the 17th century Dara Shikoh wrote: "Heaven is where the Muslim priests do not reside and the people do not follow his edicts. In the city where the Muslim priests reside, wise men are never to be found." (Dara Shikoh, 1615-1659.)

Almost a century later the Sufi poet Sachai Sarmast complained bitterly: "It is religion itself which has misled the people of the nation as well as the Sheikhs and peers (the priests) who have gruesomely misled the people. While one is a supplicant in the mosque, the other kneels before a temple. But neither of them is any closer to love of humanity." (Sachal Sarmast, 1731-1829.)

Today the rise of fundamentalism has once again cast a dark shadow over the development of Islamic culture. The victory of the Taliban in Afghanistan, supported by the guns and money of Christian America, represents the ultimate triumph of barbarism and the blackest obscurantism that conceals its nakedness behind a religious fig-leaf. Today it is hard to gaze upon the smouldering heap of rubble that once was Kabul and remember that this was once one of the great centres of the culture of Islam in Central Asia. For any person with the slightest knowledge of the history of this culture, the descent into barbarism is all the more painful.

Of one thing we can be sure. Only socialism can provide the antidote to this disease. The peoples of the East, who gave the world such glorious proof of their intellectual and artistic vitality, will not forever be content to slumber in chains of material misery and cultural poverty. And when the day finally dawns when they put an

Monday, 09 April 2001

Factory occupations: their past, present, and future


Occupy! A workers’ weapon that can defeat closures

by Simon Basketter
“The workers moved unfinished car bodies in front of all the entrances, forming a barricade. They welded a steel frame around every door and placed bullet-proof metal sheets over every window, drilling holes into them so the nozzles of fire hoses could be screwed in.”

This is the start of the 44-day sit‑down strike at the Flint car plant in 1936, as told by Dave Sherry in his new book, Occupy! A short history of workers occupations.

This is not just a book about history – it is about a tactic that has made a sudden comeback over the last year. As workers have been hit by the recession, many have started to turn to occupations once again.

So last February workers at Waterford Glass in southern Ireland occupied against closure.

In April, workers at the Visteon car parts plants in Enfield, Basildon and Belfast occupied to demand redundancy money they were owed by former owner Ford.

Then came the occupation of the Vestas wind turbine plant on the Isle of Wight last summer – a struggle against closure that clearly raised the question of what kind of ridiculous system we live in when a green energy factory can be shut down.

Dave writes, “We are witnessing the return of a militant form of collective action associated with some of the great, mass struggles of the past – a form of action that many thought had vanished along with the 1970s.”

As the book shows, occupations have a long history in the workers movement. Dave recounts a series of struggles.

In Italy, after the First World War, a wave of factory occupations in Turin became the centre of what was known as the “two red years”.

And occupations played a critical role in France in 1936 and 1968 – not just as the most militant part of the struggle, but as a focal point in the argument about how it can go forward.

Both times the upsurge of strikes and factory occupations reduced the French bosses and their state to a shambles.

Dramatically

Occupations inspire other groups of workers. When they spread, the struggle can quickly shift from a defensive local fight to a wider offensive.

As Dave points out, “Successful occupations extend the frontier of working class control and raise the general level of workers’ self-activity.

“They can quickly alter the balance of power between capital and labour.”

This was true of the struggle in the US car plants in the 1930s. The background to the fight was a countrywide struggle to build unions across the car industry.

In December 1936 workers occupied General Motors (GM) car plants in Flint, Michigan. It was part of a wave of new unionisation sweeping the US at the time.

Many had believed that car workers could not be organised into unions – but now they were suddenly and dramatically proved wrong.

When the occupation came under attack, plants across the city shut down. Some 20,000 workers left work to go and defend the workers in Flint.

GM bosses surrendered after less than two months. They signed an agreement recognising the union. In the next two weeks, workers organised another 87 sit-down strikes in Detroit alone. Unionisation spread across the car industry.

In response, the revolutionary Leon Trotsky wrote, “Sit-down strikes go beyond the limits of normal capitalist procedure. Independent of the demands of the strikers, temporary seizure of the factories deals a blow to capitalist property.

“Every sit-down poses in a practical manner the question of who is the boss of the factory, the capitalist or the workers?”

Of course, raising a question is not the same as answering it. While occupations can raise the issue of workers’ power, they can also open up the possibility of alternative methods of running a factory in a narrower sense.

Responsibility

One is the idea of making the firm a going concern by workers turning it into a co-op.

But Dave argues that, “The occupation of a factory is a tactic of class struggle – not an experiment in workers’ control. Workers’ control cannot exist in a single factory.”

He uses the example of a shop steward who wrote a letter to Socialist Worker in 1975 explaining why.

“The co-op means workers are landed with the responsibility of making the place a going concern,” the letter reads. “It means lowering wages and increasing productivity.

“It absolves the government and the employers from responsibility and it solves the receiver’s problem. Labour has tried to turn workers away from demanding nationalisation – the co-op formula allows them to do this and sound radical.”

This is why the book argues that occupations are not just about spontaneity – they raise the question of leadership. How can we both offer solidarity and also intervene politically?

The last big wave of occupations across Britain in the 1970s was sparked by the occupation of the UCS shipyard on the Clyde.

But at that time, as the book argues, “The revolutionary left had grown but was too small to counter the influence of reformism on the working class movement.”

The book brings together the history of a range of important struggles to create a useful tool in organising and deepening resistance today.

Whether it’s education cuts, council job losses or factory closures, we should occupy – and fight for a “bailout” for workers not bankers.

Occupy! A Short History of Workers' Occupations

Book Review by Jack Robertson, March 2010

Dave Sherry, Bookmarks, £6.99

The tactic of taking control of a factory and expelling the management until the demands of the workforce are met is one of the most effective forms of collective action workers can take. The first few months of 2009 were punctuated by a series of workers' occupations in Britain. In each case the intervention of active socialists played a key role not only in convincing the workers involved that it was right to fight but also in showing the best way to go about it.

In this marvellous little book, Dave Sherry not only illustrates the value of factory occupations as a tactic but also explains their practical and theoretical importance in the development of workers' organisation and the struggle for socialism. He details the way factory occupations played a critical role in the establishment of successful union organisation in the US car industry in the 1930s, and spotlights the revolutionary wave of occupations which engulfed the factories of Italy in the "two red years" of 1919-21, inspired by the Russian Revolution, and those which spread rapidly throughout France in 1936 and again in 1968.

In this country factory occupations did not really have any significant impact until the early 1970s. But the election of a Tory government in 1970, which hoped to use the whip of unemployment to tame the working class, provoked an unprecedented backlash which began with the "work-in" at four Clyde shipyards, known as UCS. Inspired by the UCS example, workers in other industries adopted the factory occupation as the tactic of choice. A staggering 200 different workplaces were taken over by their own workers between 1971 and 1974.

Factory occupations are effective: they can more easily overcome many of the legal obstacles designed to frustrate effective strike action; it is harder for the employers to organise scabbing (they can't get in) and impossible for them to organise a lockout (you're already inside). The bosses' worries about the value of the machinery and materials inside the building put them on the defensive, whereas workers' confidence is invariably boosted once they have taken control of the workplace.

Even better, the best factory occupations encourage a high level of participation by the workers involved - the workplace can become a 24-hour nerve centre for organising all the activities needed to win a dispute.

Along with the prominent examples in Britain, there have been important waves of factory occupations in Argentina, Chicago, Ukraine, Egypt, France, Turkey, South Korea and even China. It's a tactic which particularly suits a period dominated by closures and layoffs. This book is designed to provide socialists and activists with everything they need to know about the value of the workplace occupation, and it succeeds admirably.

What is to be done [Germany] ?

Growing tensions and uneasiness in Germany


The crisis of capitalism is creating an unstable social and political situation in Germany. Tensions are emerging within the coalition government, elected only last year. Most interestingly, this is having a radicalising effect inside DIE LINKE, which is being pulled both left and right, with some of the leaders attracted by coalition politics while the more radical ranks react against and seek an alternative to the left.

Only five months after the General Election that brought a right-wing coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and liberal Free Democrats (FDP) into office, Germany is gripped by enormous economic and political instability, social uneasiness and tensions. Divisions between the bourgeois government parties and mutual verbal attacks reveal that they are split over a whole series of political issues.

This is a reflection of the fact that while some bourgeois have tried to create the impression that “the crisis is over” and a boom is on the order of the day, they know that the severe effects of the crisis have only begun to be felt. Unemployment is rising, with hundreds of thousands of workers on short time work, hoping desperately that demand will increase before long and that their jobs can be saved. There is a serious municipal budget crisis opening up, with an increasing number of city administrations facing huge deficits, being incapable of delivering balanced budgets, and coming under pressure to cut all sorts of spending on social and cultural facilities and to raise local rates. This is going to undermine local autonomy, as increasingly state officers from supervisory authorities are going to intervene in the town halls and effectively deprive local bodies of their power and autonomy.

Apart from the USA, Germany is the industrial country where the proportion of the population classed as working poor has grown most rapidly. A quarter of all workers are marginalized from the core staff, with outsourcing, precarious forms of work such as contract work, pseudo-selfemployment affecting the lives of millions, serving as a warning to the core staff of what will happen to them if they rebel against their bosses. Increasing pressure at work and uneasiness is affecting all sections of the working class - from labourers toiling on the poverty line to well paid employees and civil servants.

In the first few weeks of the new year, the scandal around billionaire Anton Schlecker´s drugstore chain founding his own temporary employment agency to halve the wages of his shop workers overshadowed the political debate, forcing even some conservative Christian Democrats to condemn this brazen form of wage-dumping. For some time, Schlecker was the most hated capitalist in the country.

In recent days, however, a verbal attack by FDP leader and foreign minister Guido Westerwelle on the unemployed has triggered off a heated and polarised debate. Westerwelle criticised demands for an increase in the so-called Hartz IV benefits for unemployed people as “socialism” and as an expression of ‘late Roman Decadence'. People who work, Westerwelle argued, were increasingly becoming the "idiots of the nation”, whereas many of the unemployed were lazy bones, living on the backs of those in society that got up early every morning and worked hard. This is a typical attempt to play off higher-income against low-income earners. The FDP is a faithful mouthpiece of big business and Westerwelle's phrase mongering is an indication of the sort of attacks they are going to launch in the coming period. On the other hand Westerwelle is also desperately trying to stop the erosion in support for the FDP. The Liberals had scored an all-time peak of 14.6% last September and have seen their support virtually halved according to recent opinion polls.

There is enormous nervousness on the part of all political players just over ten weeks before the crucial state elections in North Rhine Westphalia (NRW) on May 9. NRW has 18 million inhabitants (more than the DDR, the former East German state which was dissolved in 1990), and had been an SPD stronghold for decades until 2005 when the CDU and FDP got a majority there. Now there are fears on the part of the CDU and FDP that they might lose their majority there, thus also losing the conservative majority in the Bundesrat, Germany`s second chamber composed of representatives from the 16 German state governments. Some in the CDU leadership would not mind leaning on the Greens who had started 30 years ago as radical pacifists and environmentalists and are now a progressive liberal party whose social base is made up of higher-income earners. Already, the Greens are represented in coalition governments under the leadership of the CDU in the states of Hamburg and the Saarland and also in some important municipalities such as Frankfurt and Wiesbaden.

On the other hand, the SPD that suffered a historic defeat in 2009 will try to demonstrate that they have overcome their all-time low. And last but not least, the Left Party (DIE LINKE) which scored 11.9% nationally, is fighting to get a good result in NRW well over the crucial five per cent threshold and demonstrate its viability nationally and that it has firm roots in the West. DIE LINKE still has its strongholds in the East and enjoys support above-average, especially amongst blue-collar and unemployed workers, being identified as the most consistent critic of the dismantling of the welfare state in recent years.

Oskar Lafontaine during the election campaign in Saxony. Photo by Die Linke Sachsen.
And yet, whereas you might think that DIE LINKE would automatically go from strength to strength and is bound to get a double-digit result in NRW in May, the party has been seriously haunted by a crisis of leadership in recent weeks. This was triggered off by party chairman Oskar Lafontaine's announcement to withdraw from national politics, give up his seat in the national parliament and not to stand again for re-election as party chair at the forthcoming party congress in May. Although this announcement is mainly due to his suffering from cancer, and Lafontaine has also stated his intention to continue to lead the party group in the regional parliament of his home state of the Saarland where they scored over 21 per cent last August, this has caused a crisis of leadership and served to initiate a fresh debate between the different party currents on fundamental issues of strategy and perspectives.

Oskar Lafontaine is undoubtedly leaving behind a vacuum in the national party leadership. He played a historic role in the merger of the former (mainly Eastern, ex-Stalinist) PDS and the WASG, a mainly Western split-away from the SPD, into DIE LINKE in 2007. Lafontaine had been national SPD chairman from 1995 to 1999 and resigned from all political positions in 1999 in protest against the shift to the right under Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, a right-wing social democrat who had been elected head of a coalition government of SPD and Greens in 1998.

"Oskar is not a Marxist, but he has got more class consciousness and political instinct than many others in the party leadership", a very intelligent 93 year old party veteran told me recently. There is some truth in this. Lafontaine has got a flair for key political issues. He has raised questions such as the need for a political, all-out general strike as well as raising the question of capitalist property when in 2008 he called for the expropriation of the billionaires that own the automotive supplier Schaeffler when try tried to take over their larger rival Continental. Although Lafontaine mixes these issues with demands for workers’ shares and participation and does not pose a bold socialist programme, such statements place him far to the left of most of the other reformist party leaders. He also annoyed the party’s moderate reformist wing when he criticised the terms under which they had accepted a coalition programme for the state of Brandenburg which includes a cut in public sector jobs. He repeatedly warned against any watering down of the programme for the sake of being accepted as a junior partner in a coalition government with the SPD, pointing out that the Italian Rifondazione Comunista had been wiped out of parliament after they had joined a government that conducted war in Afghanistan and dismantled the welfare state.

Many mainstream media call Lafontaine a "populist" because unlike other aging politicians he has not adopted a more moderate and right-wing position so far. The media would like to turn DIE LINKE into a tame and obedient reformist tool since they know that the inevitable attacks on the working class, the welfare state and education will tend to strengthen the party if it is still seen as a clear and consistent left alternative, campaigning on bread-and-butter issues. Thus the ruling class and their media cadres do their utmost to drive a wedge between the "radical fundamentalists" and "sectarians" on the one hand and the "modern reformers" on the other hand. Berlin and Brandenburg, where DIE LINKE is a junior partner of the SPD in regional governments, are strongholds of the more moderate currents who believe that you can only change things by joining governments. Left Social Democrats and Greens and moderate politicians of DIE LINKE are trying to build an alternative bloc with the aim of forming a coalition government nationally after the 2013 general election. Some of them and some media claim that without Lafontaine this task would be much easier to achieve. Yet quite a few left activists in DIE LINKE fear that this might increase the temptation to sacrifice essential points of the programme for the sake of joining a coalition government.

On the other hand, the regional party in NRW is lead by more left-wing elements who are demanding some nationalisations of the energy sector and other commanding heights of the economy as well as the re-nationalisation of the Post Office and Deutsche Telekom. Now the media are waging a campaign against these "NRW sectarians", trying to portray them as "irresponsible utopians" not fit for government. Some of the right wing in DIE LINKE have even echoed these prejudices.

So a lot is at stake for DIE LINKE this spring. A very good result in NRW in May could shift the balance within the party towards the left and the West and demonstrate that you can perform well in elections with a relatively radical programme.

The national party congress will take place in mid-May, only a weekend after the NRW election. After Lafontaine's announcement to withdraw from the national leadership, a somewhat artificial new slate of candidates for the leadership was cobbled together, trying to find a balance between the different organised currents, East and West, left and right, male and female, and include Eastern reformists as well as Sahra Wagenknecht as a representative from the "Communist Platform".

This slate, however, was worked out behind closed doors and will tend to strengthen the parliamentary element in the party and the fulltime party apparatus. That is why it is all the more urgent that the rank and file decisively intervenes in the political debate, tables as many left motions as possible and puts pressure on the congress, demanding a bold approach against the capitalist crisis and a clear socialist programme. DIE LINKE is rightly calling for the nationalisation of the banks. But we need to nationalise the major industrial enterprises and monopolies as well if we are going to offer a way out of the crisis of capitalism in the interest of the working class and the vast majority of the population.


German elections usher in a new period of instability


Sunday’s elections reveal an enormous shift within the German electorate. Of particular importance is the massive decline of the SPD vote, mirrored by a huge increase in support for DIE LINKE which stands to its left. The victory of the right-wing parties means the German capitalists are preparing for an offensive against the biggest and most powerful working class in Europe. Interesting times lie ahead.

A programme of harsh attacks on workers’ living standards is likely to be implemented after the crisis. In the picture, CDU leader and Chancellor Angela Merkel. Photo by cgommel on flickr.
German big business will now get the sort of government they prefer: a coalition of the two traditional bourgeois parties - the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Liberals (FDP) based on a stable majority of seats in the new Parliament (Bundestag) elected on September 27.

It is not an accident that on the morning after the elections the share prices of the two main electricity suppliers, RWE and E.on, went up sharply as the companies are hoping that the new coalition will strengthen nuclear power as a highly profitable source of energy and allow the old plants to continue production for many more years.

Bankers and industrialists are also happy now that the SPD has been so discredited by their actions that big business won`t have to make any deals with them. Against the background of a deep crisis and impending mass redundancies, workers, unemployed, pensioners, students, and youth, i.e. the overwhelming majority of the population, will suffer. The bourgeois parties now control the Bundestag as well as the Bundesrat, Germany`s second chamber based on the representatives from the 16 federal states, and they have the Federal President on their side as well.

This is a landmark and milestone as after 11 years in office, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) received a devastating vote and will now end up in opposition. At the same time, the arch-neoliberal FDP will be back in office for the first time since 1998 when the last CDU/CSU/FDP coalition government was defeated by an alliance of the SPD and the Greens.

The FDP is the purest of the bourgeois parties – in the sense that it directly represents big business ‑ and it is going to exert a decisive influence within the new government, as they saved Chancellor Merkel's office, and have provided her with the key number of votes to be able to remain in office.

While the SPD lost 11.2 per cent and has been thrown back to the level it had back in 1893, the CDU/CSU also lost quite a few votes last Sunday. It was only the spectacular 4.7 per cent growth of the FDP and the peculiarities of the electoral systems that gave the bourgeois camp a relatively cosy majority of 332 out of 622 seats.

This was an election of negative records: the lowest turnout in any national election since World War II and the biggest loss of any party in the last 60 years. Only 70.8 per cent bothered to vote this time. With 23 per cent of the votes cast for the SPD they scored much worse than even in 1953 when they won over 28 per cent.

An indication of how drastic the SPD losses are, is revealed by the following figure: in 1998 ‑ when the CDU/CSU and FDP lost their majority after 16 years in office and there was a strong wind of change ‑ the SPD won more than 20 million votes. Last Sunday they got less than ten million, losing more than half of their support over the last 11 years.

This is a severe blow and the result of 11 years of “reformism without reforms” – in reality counter-reforms ‑ to the detriment of workers, the unemployed and pensioners. When the then SPD-Greens coalition, led by the right-wing Social Democrat Gerhard Schröder, lost its majority in 2005, the SPD leaders sought to cling to power through a "Grand Coalition" with the CDU/CSU. The result has been a severe crisis of the SPD that is assuming historic dimensions.

Workers are not stupid and have not forgotten that in the 2005 election campaign the SPD agitated against the "Merkel tax", i.e. the CDU/CSU proposal to increase VAT by 2 per cent. However, eventually the Grand Coalition agreed to increase VAT by three per cent. That was indeed a “compromise” whereby you end up conceding more than was being asked for originally!

On nearly all fronts, the SPD leaders have been doing the dirty work for the capitalists and as a consequence they are responsible for pushing the SPD into a deep crisis. Considering the recent role of these leaders, why should any worker in the recent election campaign have shown any enthusiasm for SPD leaders such as Franz Münterfering and Frank Steinmeier who are ossified Schröderites and Blairites and decisive architects of Schröder`s programme of counter-reforms known as "Agenda 2010"? During the recent election campaign, the SPD leaders refused point blank to raise the idea of collaboration with the Left Party (DIE LINKE) and in fact were hoping that they would be needed to patch together another Grand Coalition. How could any party activist find the will to fight for such a perspective? Just one example of the mood at the rank and file level I witnessed a day before the election. I met a fulltime SPD party worker and loyalist and she told me that she would rather see a majority CDU/CSU and FDP government, because the continuation of a Grand Coalition would virtually destroy the party. This was symptomatic of the mood of party activists.

Oskar Lafontaine during the election campaign in Saxony. Photo by Die Linke Sachsen.
Immediately after the historic defeat last Sunday, some SPD left-wingers, Young Socialists and rank and file party structures began to voice their desire for a fundamental political change and a new and more credible leadership. However, it still remains to be seen whether the SPD left will come out of this strong and determined enough to wage a revolt in the party before the November national party conference, raising their own independent programme and standing candidates against the right-wing leaders. Back in 1995, Oskar Lafontaine successfully challenged and defeated the then right-wing party leader Rudolf Scharping in the leadership election with a fiery left-wing speech which motivated the rank and file and laid the basis for the 1998 election victory. Lafontaine subsequently broke with the SPD in 2004 and is now the leader of DIE LINKE. It remains to be seen whether there is anybody of a similar calibre in the SPD today. The official spokespersons of the SPD "left" appear to be quite tame and timid, and so far do not seem to be up to the task.

On the other hand, the fact that DIE LINKE got a double-digit result is of historical significance for Germany, as there has not been any workers´ party of considerable strength to the left of the SPD since the 1930s.

Because of this, once again, the mainstream media and right-wing politicians tried to launch an anti-communist and red scare campaign against DIE LINKE during the last few weeks, but failed to achieve their objective. DIE LINKE grew by more than a million votes ‑ from 4.1 to over 5.1 million ‑ and not only consolidated its historical base of support in the East at around 28%, but it has also built a base in all parts of the country, gaining well over ten or even 15 per cent in many working class and inner city areas in the West. In the East, the former DDR [German Democratic Republic], DIE LINKE has decisively eclipsed the SPD which was down from 30.4% to 17.9% of the votes cast. DIE LINKE attracted above all the votes of workers and of the unemployed (31 per cent of the latter), thus consolidating a solid class base. In the East there is in fact still no majority for the bourgeois parties. In the West, DIE LINKE has increased its share from 4.9% to 8.3%.

What is significant, and also an expression of the increasing political change and instability, is the fact that the two traditionally "big" parties ‑ SPD and CDU/CSU ‑ have both seen their support melt away. Whereas in the past they could always secure some 80 or 90 per cent between them, they now do not even reach 60 per cent nationally, let alone a two thirds majority. In both camps, of the "left" and the "right", the "smaller", and apparently more consistent, parties gained and benefitted from the disappointment of the electorate with the two main big parties. This shows that traditional ties and loyalties are increasingly being dissolved.

DIE LINKE needs a socialist programme and must raise the question of public ownership of the commanding heights of the economy as a decisive lever to get out of the blind alley of capitalism. Photo by DIE LINKE.
For the traditional bourgeois voters and conservative CDU/CSU/FDP supporters, there was an apparent wind of change and a clear reason for them to vote. The triumphant shouts of the right-wing leaders, however, must not divert attention away from the fact that against the background of a low turnout of 70.8 per cent, the combined vote of the right of 48.4 per cent in reality merely represents around 34.3 per cent of the total electorate, a significant fall in real active support for these parties. When the bourgeois parties scored a historic victory in the 1983 election ‑ a victory that ushered in a decade and a half of right wing dominance – they won 55.8 per cent of the votes cast with a high turnout of nearly 90 per cent, they enjoyed the support of 49.7 per cent of the total electorate. This indicates that the mass base for Merkel´s new right-wing cabinet is considerably slimmer than that of the Kohl government in the 1980s.

Another feature in this election is to be found in the fact that the extreme right-wing and neo-fascist parties were hammered and between them only scored a total of two percent. Even in the East where the biggest of them, the Hitlerite NPD, had built some base in certain areas, their vote shrunk from 3.6 to 3.1 per cent. In the West they stagnated to around 1.1 percent.

The new Merkel government will quickly have to show what it has to offer under conditions of capitalist crisis. Lafontaine and other left leaders are predicting that a new economic crash will come inevitably. Mass redundancies will sharply increase unemployment in the coming months. The new government will make the workers pay for the crisis and for the rescue operation to bail out the banks.

All this will undoubtedly increase social unrest in the country. The union leaders, who had hoped that their friends at the top of the SPD would remain in the government and thus leave open a channel for their diplomatic talks and petitions, will find themselves in a situation in which they have to mobilise their rank and file to fight back against attacks.

DIE LINKE is now faced with an enormous responsibility. Many workers who are fed up with the SPD are looking towards the party. Thousands will join, and the party now needs to organise a sound basis in workplaces, unions, neighbourhoods, schools and social movements. Above all, DIE LINKE needs a socialist programme and must raise the question of public ownership of the commanding heights of the economy as a decisive lever to get out of the blind alley of capitalism.

Election results at a glance

Total turnout
70. 8%
-6.8
CDU
11,824,794
27.3%
-0.5
CSU
2,830,210
6.5%
-0.9
SPD
9,988,843
23.0%
-11.2
FDP
6,313,023
14.6%
+4.7
DIE LINKE
5,153,884
11.9%
+3.2
Greens
4,641,197
10.7%
+2.6