Mu

Mu

Saturday, October 12, 2024

Israel’s right and need to defend the safety of a refuge for Jews

[....] The U.S. government continues to advance the U.S. rulers’ class interests by pressing the government of Israel to agree to back off its decisive fight to defang Tehran, Hamas, et al. U.S. imperialism does not start from defending Jews from pogroms or Israel’s right to exist as an all-too-necessary refuge to Jews.

It’s only concern is the stability the U.S. capitalist class requires for its own profit-driven interests, including the Biden administration’s efforts to reach an accommodation with the regime in Tehran.

After Oct. 7 the White House warned Israel not to go into Rafah on the Gaza-Egypt border. It complained when an Israeli bombing raid killed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. And now the Joseph Biden administration is telling Israel not to try to destroy Iran’s nuclear development facilities. But Israel’s capitalist government is not willing to put Israel’s existence and the lives of millions of Jews on the line by caving in to the U.S. rulers’ demands.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told the U.N. General Assembly Sept. 27 that Israel will do everything it must to prevent Tehran from getting nuclear weapons.

The Times of Israel noted Oct. 7, 2024, that on Sept. 30, Biden had begun the day by calling for a “ceasefire now” between Israel and Hezbollah. “Hours later, the IDF announced that it had begun a series of raids aimed at dismantling Hezbollah posts on the Lebanese side of the border.”

Full article: https://themilitant.com/2024/10/12/showdown-looms-in-middle-east-israels-right-and-need-to-defend-the-safety-of-a-refuge-for-jews/

As vote nears, Democrats push attacks on constitutional rights

[....] Smith’s filing so close to the Nov. 5 election is a clear and conscious violation of long-standing Justice Department policy under both Republicans and Democrats not to take any steps that “could impact an election” within 60 days of the vote.

Writing in a New York Times op-ed Oct. 9, former Assistant Attorney General Jack Goldsmith said that Trump’s opponents seem to believe “his unique horribleness justifies every conceivable aggressive step to keep him from becoming president. This sort of thinking reflects a tragic eight-year pattern of breaking rules and standards.”

Full: https://themilitant.com/2024/10/12/as-vote-nears-democrats-push-attacks-on-constitutional-rights/

Sunday, October 6, 2024

Red Enlightenment: On Socialism, Science and Spirituality (2023) by Graham Jones

Red Enlightenment: On Socialism, Science and Spirituality (2023) by Graham Jones


Have you ever wanted to read an over-300 page book in which the words spiritual and spirituality appear 163 times?

Me, either.

Graham Jones has not written a book about UFOs and how they built the pyramids, however. There are no pleas here for saving the planet by making our own clothes. Instead, Jones is reaching out to help us use completely anti-Marxist mind-over-matter subjectivity to summon a socialist millennium.

Over a hundred years ago, Lenin called this God-building, though he and his fellow scientific socialists had some less nice words for it, too. 

Lenin's polemics was written after the defeats of Russia's 1905 revolutionary upsurge. A temporary retreat of working class and peasant militancy led some revolutionaries to seek salvation in spirituality; they did not blame themselves for the class retreat, or the dictatorship of capital, but the workers and farmers themselves.

Red Enlightenment: On Socialism, Science and Spirituality by Graham Jones was published in 2023 by Repeater Books. I have read a number of books from Repeater in the past, usually studies employing academic jargon to fuse explications of horror fiction with fashionable word salads of current cultural theory. Which is enough to make any reader cry out for spiritual escape.

https://youtube.com/clip/Ugkxbx3rdLhhzaWWZnkQJPLlC-6h98wC-gWr?si=8lQkbA1tjNBck2o6

What Lukacs termed the “permanent carnival of fetishized inwardness” of the petty bourgeoisie goes on.


Jay

6 October 2024




Saturday, October 5, 2024

"We want to create well-equipped revolutionists who know enough not to be captivated by passing fads"

....The doctrines upon which our movement is based are not named scientific socialism without good and sufficient reason. Our party endeavors to educate its members in all aspects of Marxism from the most general problems of theory to everyday tactics. We want to create well-equipped revolutionists who know enough not to be captivated by passing fads. We have to polish the tools of thought given by Marxism and keep them sharp by continuous application.....


"In Defence of Engels" (1975)
Polemics in Marxist philosophy by George Novack

Washington’s starting point is not defending Jews -- Back people of Israel in a war against Jew-hatred – The Militant

Washington’s starting point is not defending Jews. All it cares about is defending U.S. imperialism’s economic and political interests, including stability in its relations with governments in the region and for maritime shipping and oil production.

But the capitalist government in Israel refuses to subordinate the need to fight Jew-hatred to its alliance with Washington. By refusing to back down and making real progress, Israel is striking a blow to U.S. imperialism.

The liberal bourgeois press, while admitting that Nasrallah’s goal was destruction of Israel, printed obituaries painting him as a charismatic leader “loved” by Shiite Muslims. The Washington Post said he “was seen as a father figure, a moral compass and a political guide” by his followers, and as “the man who empowered Lebanon’s once downtrodden and impoverished Shiite community.”

A Sept. 27 New York Times article claimed that even though Nasrallah “referred to Israel as ‘the Zionist entity,’ maintaining that all Jewish immigrants should return to their countries of origin,” at the same time he was for “one Palestine with equality for Muslims, Jews and Christians.”

The murderous actions of Hezbollah throughout the Middle East belie these bouquets from the U.S. press.

Hezbollah was a direct creation of the regime in Iran in 1982. The Iranian rulers sought to extend their influence into Lebanon as they consolidated a counterrevolution at home aimed at reversing gains made by working people during the 1979 revolution that overthrew the U.S.-backed shah of Iran. Hezbollah works to advance Tehran’s goal of destroying Israel and killing or expelling all the Jews there.


Back people of Israel in a war against Jew-hatred – The Militant

Fight Jew-hatred, join Oct. 7 events

Excerpt:

Fight Jew-hatred, join Oct. 7 events
“The solution is tied to building a revolutionary working-class party of all nationalities in every country — including in Israel, and most importantly, in the U.S. — that works toward workers taking power.”

Fruit pointed to the remarks by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the U.N. on Sept. 27. “My country is fighting for its life,” he said. “Israel yearns for peace, but our enemies seek our annihilation. … We will win because we don’t have a choice.”

He said there was a choice “between a historic reconciliation between Arabs and Jews or the tyranny and terror of more Oct. 7s.” Many U.N. representatives walked out during these remarks.

Fruit urged everyone at the meeting to join upcoming events marking the Oct. 7 pogrom.

“No new capitalist world order is possible that would make the world more peaceful,” Fruit said.

“Across Africa, governments are massively indebted to lenders like the World Bank, Washington and more recently to the rulers of China,” she pointed out. One participant in the campaign meeting asked about the debate at the United Nations over whether to give Africa, with 54 countries and some 1.5 billion people, two permanent seats on the U.N. Security Council, but without veto power. “Is this an obstacle to getting solutions?” he asked.

“The U.N. came out of World War II and it’s a body of capitalist governments,” Fruit said. “They are the problem, contending to steal all the wealth from working people.

“Workers need to organize ourselves, tackle our problems like Thomas Sankara led working people in Burkina Faso to do,” she said, pointing to the 1983-87 popular democratic revolution in that West African country.



Join, build the SWP campaign
“There are five weeks left in this campaign,” John Studer, the Socialist Workers national campaign director, said during the discussion. “Workers know there is something deeply wrong with the economy. They abhor the Oct. 7 attack on Jews in Israel.

“The biggest discussion is whether the working class is capable of doing something about it. The SWP thinks it is and we want to discuss that with as many workers as possible. We want workers to break with the capitalist parties, endorse the SWP campaign and become part of it. Join with us at actions Oct. 1 to support postal workers and on Oct. 7.

Full: https://themilitant.com/2024/10/05/build-solidarity-with-boeing-port-strikers/

Support Israel as a refuge for Jews.

Friday, October 4, 2024

Election Trivia Answers

Why 'Guardian' misreads the 1978 elections

The 1978 election provides fresh evidence of a rightward shift by politicians of both big business parties. Republican and Democratic liberals compete with their right-wing counterparts in "law and order" and antilabor rhetoric. The right-wingers up the ante with phony tax-cut gimmicks that benefit only the rich and, in some instances, with open racist demagogy.

The absence of any independent, mass political voice for labor, the Black community, and their allies has guaranteed a near monopoly for the rightist rhetoric of the capitalist politicians in the electoral arena and mass media.

Unfortunately, some radical commentators confuse this fun-house mirror image of American politics with the real views of American working people and with the real relationship of class forces. Such a misperception leads to highly pessimistic forecasts.
"No, the new right' is not going to take over the country in November," concedes Irwin Silber in the October 18 issue of the Maoist-leaning weekly Guardian. "But the 1978 elections may well
prove a way station on the road to such an objective . . . . This neofascist political tendency is using the forthcoming election to strengthen its hold over the Republican Party, make inroads in the Democratic Party, and popularize the principal issues on which it hopes to build a mass-base following in the years ahead."

"No, the new right' is not going to take over the country in November," concedes Irwin Silber in the October 18 issue of the Maoist-leaning weekly Guardian. "But the 1978 elections may well
prove a way station on the road to such an objective . . . . This neofascist political tendency is using the forthcoming election to strengthen its hold over the Republican Party, make inroads in the Democratic Party, and popularize the principal issues on which it hopes to build a mass-base following in the years ahead."

Silber's errors begin with the implication that the rightward thrust of electoral politics is caused by the growth of the "new right." In fact, this shift is a product of the basic policies of the U.S. rulers.
Beginning in 1971, and with escalating force since the world depression of 1974-75, the U.S. capitalists have tried to solve their economic problems-such as their weakened position in world trade-by an offensive against the rights and living standards of all the oppressed. This has meant chipping away or reversing the economic gains made by union members over many years and the advances toward equality won by oppressed nationalities and women. It has meant slashing public services, from mass transit to schools to medical care.

Since the two-party system is controlled by the capitalist class, the electoral "debate" reflects their basic political course. Liberals suddenly emerge as "new conservatives," while open right-wingers get fresh wind in their sails. The "new" rightists operate as the most vocal reactionary forces within the political strategy set by the ruling class.

By presenting the "new right," rather than the ruling class and its parties, as the driving force behind the attacks on the oppressed, Silber lays the groundwork for supporting liberal capitalist politicians against "fascist" rightists-perhaps in a 1980 remake of the Johnson-Goldwater race of 1964. Although the Guardian itself has taken an abstentionist course in recent elections, the "lesser evil" stance implicit in Silber's analysis has many advocates, ranging from the Communist Party to the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee.

This is not Silber's most serious error, although it is bad enough. In misestimating the strength of the right, Silber takes no account of the resistance by those under attack. Yet the fighting capacity of working people has been powerfully demonstrated in recent months.

Beginning last December, coal miners carried out a 110-day strike that saved their union. In the process, they overruled an incompetent national leadership and defied government strikebreaking.
The reverberations of this battle are still being felt in the labor movement. Postal workers this summer overwhelmingly voted down the first contract that Washington and union officials tried to force on them. And impressive solidarity among the divided rail unions shut down almost all rail traffic for several days this fall.

The growing activity in solidarity with the Black freedom struggle in southern Africa together with the spate of demonstrations this spring and summer against aspects of racist oppression in this country-are indications that the pace of the Black liberation struggle has stepped up, despite the setback represented by the Bakke decision.

At mid-year the capitalist media were chortling over the imminent demise of the Equal Rights Amendment and denouncing demands for extension of the time allowed for ratification as violating the rules of the game.

But when 100,000 people turned out July 9 for a pro-ERA demonstration called by the National Organization for Women, the tide began to turn. A thirty-nine-month extension was adopted by Congress, and for the moment the most vociferous "new right" opponents of the ERA have lost momentum.

These developments are only the most striking indications of the massive radicalization now taking hold among working people. As yet, this radicalization finds little reflection in bourgeois electoral politics. But it has not gone unnoticed by top labor officials. They are feeling pressure to step up verbal attacks on Carter and to promise a more militant course.

Nor has the deepening radicalization gone unnoticed in the ruling class and its government. The stiff resistance by workers to attacks on union rights, the determination of women to beat back efforts to sink the ERA, and the growing fear that Black anger may be reaching an explosive point is causing them to move more cautiously than they would like.

Thus Carter's vaunted program against inflation-while thoroughly antilabor in its goals-was far from the crackdown against wages, job safety regulations, and social service spending that the capitalists want. Carter drew back from attempting any severe new measures to enforce his program for "givebacks" from working people-measures that could risk a head-on confrontation with a radicalized working class.

The real picture of the class struggle in the United States is different from the image of a steady drive toward the right presented by Silber. In fact, the forces opposed to the ruling class have grown stronger in the past year.

Developments in U.S. politics support the Marxist view that the deepening of the capitalist social and economic crisis will impel working people toward massive resistance to the onslaught of the ruling rich and toward fighting for a workers government. Only if workers are defeated in the giant battles ahead will it be possible for the ultraright to develop the mass following it would need to vie for power in this country.

What prevents Silber and many other radicals from accurately weighing the real changes under way in this country? The key lies in their isolation from the social forces that have the power to drive back the ruling class offensive.

The Guardian, for instance, is a radical newspaper without links to a revolutionary party rooted in the unions, the communities of the oppressed nationalities, and other areas where the radicalization is taking place. It lacks access to the real day-to-day changes in the thinking of working people.

Because they are isolated from the actual battle against the ruling-class offensive, formations such as the Guardian are susceptible to impressions conveyed by the bourgeois media and politicians about the state of mind of American working people. And the ruling class is on a concerted campaign to spread the idea that the American masses are plunging headlong to the right.

The Militant and International Socialist Review are better situated to see the realityand not only because of our Marxist outlook. We are helping to build the Socialist Workers Party, a revolutionary party that is rooting itself in the factories and communities where the oppressed and exploited live, work, and struggle.

Through daily contact with co-workers and neighbors on the job, in the unions, and on the picket lines, SWP members experience the real political development of working people in this country, not simply the one charted by contending bourgeois candidates and newspaper editorials. The course of the American workers and their allies is toward a deepening of their political independence, militancy, and readiness to go into action.

Because the SWP understands what is happening in the United States today, it is free from the pessimism permeating Silber's analysis. On the contrary, the SWP is in the thick of every battle of the oppressed and exploited against the rulers' offensive. Its aim is to build the mass revolutionary socialist party that is needed if those battles are to end in the victory of the working people and the creation of a new society.

Those who believe with us that American working people represent a progressive force destined to put an end to all oppression and injustice should take their place in the Socialist Workers Party.

The Militant
NOVEMBER 10, 1978
VOLUME 42/NUMBER 42
https://themilitant.com/1978/4242/MIL4242.pdf

Netflix has a series of colorized WW2 documentaries

"World War II: From the Frontlines"

A better title: "Don't make these 10 mistakes like that loser Hitler."

Holocaust gets 5 minutes at the end around the US forces' discovery of Dauchau. 

No mention of that small Asian nation called China.

For instance.

Ugh! 😣 

Cf. Some real history:

The Marxist view:

World War II: Three wars in one

U. S. Logistics: uneven and combined development in the Pacific theater:

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/pTeitxMt3E5Wd2K3/

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/8jW2bQzQb3qmTZAU/

Reading notes: Henri Arvon, Marxist Esthetics, Cornell University Press (1973)

Introduction

[….] Great works are never cast in the partisan mold of a single class; they express the relationships of various classes within society as a whole, enabling their authors Thus a writer may very well prove to be a political conservative as an individual, and the author of a progressive work as an artist. As a man, he belongs entirely to his class, whose ideology he shares completely, whereas as an artist or a writer who has become aware of the dialectic of history, he brings to light the objective elements, the real dynamic forces underlying social evolution.

[….] this truth inherent in literary praxis that Engels never ceases to admire in Balzac’s novels. Since he was an ardent supporter of the old social order, why is it that Balzac offers us such a grim picture of the aristocracy of his time in his works? “The fact that Balzac was forced to act contrary to his own class sympathies and contrary to his own political biases,” Engels writes in his famous 1888 letter to Miss Harkness, “the fact that he recognized the irreversible nature of the decline of his beloved aristocrats and depicted them as men who do not deserve a better fate, the fact that he glimpsed the real men of the future in the only place where it was possible to find them in my opinion constitute one of the greatest triumphs of realism and one of the most magnificent traits of old Balzac.”

Chapter 3: Form and Content

[….] It is during the second phase, which Hegel calls the classical period, that a living unity between form and content is achieved: interiority, having become more concrete, cries out for exteriorization, in a manner of speaking.

By stressing the dialectical relationship of form and content within a reality that is again comprehensible, Marxist esthetics safeguards art against a twofold danger: that of a naturalism in which content is shorn of form, and that of a formalism which gives up all concern for content in order to engage in all manner of experiments with pure form, which then develops completely independently.

[….] Dobrolyubov (1836-1865), the creator of so called “apropos” criticism, that is to say criticism for which the literary work is only a pretext for dealing with the most diverse sorts of problems, also discusses the national or popular elements(navodnost) that have played a role in the evolution of Russian literature.

[….] Insofar as Marxist esthetics seeks to restore the fundamental unity between the essence and phenomena, does it not risk regressing to the level of classical esthetics and returning to the hypothesis that there is such a thing as absolute Beauty? We know that Aristotle regarded beauty as the product of the structural ordering of a world that art progressively reveals; his esthetic is based on an ordering of the whole that is complete and organic, “resembling a living being.” When we read certain of George Lukacs’ pronouncements with regard to esthetics, we realize that this convergence between classical esthetics and Marxist esthetics is so complete at times that the two become totally fused and perhaps even totally confused. “The essential determinations of this world represented by a literary work of art,” Lukacs writes at one point for instance, “are revealed . . . through an artistic succession and an artistic gradation. But this gradation must be achieved within the inseparable unity of the phenomenon and the essence, a unity that exists immediately, from the very outset; it must make this unity more and more intimate and obvious by making it more and more concrete.”

[….] Marxist esthetics limited itself to pointing out the a priori existence of a unity between the essence and phenomena and if its sole mission were to remove the screen that conceals such a unity from us, it would continually run the risk of falling back into the sort of passive contemplation that is the hallmark of classical esthetics. In that case it would not differ in any essential way from Kantian esthetics, in which “taste is the faculty of judging an object or a mode of representation on the basis of satisfaction or dissatisfaction in a completely disinterested wa§r,” or from the “pure gaze of art on the world” which in Schopenhauer’s philosophy momentarily delivers man from the will to live, the source of all his pain.

[….] it is precisely because Marxist esthetics never loses sight of the real richness of the world, that is to say its totality, the mastery of which will be the end-result of an evolutionary process that mankind has been involved in from the beginning of its history, precisely because it is conscious of the totality of human life, that this esthetics feels called upon to stress the unfinished nature of the world we live in, offering us, we might say, the image of the possibilities inherent in the existing state of affairs. Marxist esthetics must foster hope for a world that is at peace with itself, and therefore it must foster our firm determination to contribute to the realization of such a world. Like the philosophers discussed in the eleventh of Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach, artists and writers “have merely interpreted the world in different ways when what is needed is to transform it.”

[….] In order for art to be able to carry out this investigation that Marxist esthetics assigns it, it is necessary to give it a privileged status. Art must not only somehow find a way around the obstacle put in its path by the notion of consciousness-as-a-reflection which makes it totally dependent on the object; that obstacle itself must be removed.

[….] The very first step in that direction would be to determine exactly what Lenin meant by his statement that matter exists independently of consciousness. In point of fact, his real purpose was not so much to reduce the role of consciousness as to re-establish the importance of matter in the face of the empiriocriticism of Mach and Avenarius, which made matter quite secondary as compared to sensations. However thoroughgoing this materialism might appear to be, it successfully avoids the mechanist temptation and remains dialectical, that is to say it leaves a place for the reciprocal action of the elements that determine reality. Far from being reduced to a slavish dependence on matter, consciousness in fact is given back its rightful place at the very heart of the dialectical process.

Chapter 4. Revolutionary Art

[….] when Party doctrinaires who are up in arms against such heresy back him into a corner, he haughtily declares: “We are not Marxists, but if some day we were to have a need for such an implement, we would not eat with our hands out of sheer pride.”

[….] Marxism for Shklovsky is what God was for the astronomer Laplace: “a hypothesis that thus far [he] had had no need of.”

[….] Thus Bukharin willingly admits that the “Opoyaz” has fulfilled a certain propaedeutic role as a school of literary criticism insofar as it has attempted to draw up a “catalogue” of Poetic devices.

[….] “Only Marxism can explain why and how a certain orientation has arisen in art in any given historical period,” he states. Hence the attempt of the Formalists to shed light on the particular artistic features of literary form is justifiable, but they are wrong when they attempt to reduce the whole of literature to its style of verbal expression; the task of the literary critic is not limited to an essentially descriptive, quasi-statistical analysis of the etymology and the syntax of a poem, and certainly not to a simple inventorying of its vowels and consonants. “The Formalists are disciples of Saint John. They believe that ‘in the beginning was the Word.’ But we believe: ‘in the beginning was the Act. The Word came after, as its phonetic shadow,’ ” Trotsky writes.

[….] Lunacharsky regards the literary criticism of Formalism as a type of “escapism,” that is to say a way of avoiding real human problems and a sterile product of the decadent ruling class.

[….] after 1925, reaction sets in against the modernist tendencies unleashed and given broader scope by the October Revolution.

[….] Once the opposition of the left is eliminated, Stalin and the Communist bureaucracy, of which he is the supreme representative, use the end of the First Five-Year Plan, which in their eyes is the first step toward the building of Socialism in a single country, as a pretext to enlist all Soviet writers beneath the same banner and make them entirely subservient to the Party: the associations of independent writers are dissolved and their members summarily enrolled in the Union of Soviet Writers

[….] The intriguing prospects of a revolutionary literature become a thing of the past. Esthetic judgment becomes subservient to the most primitive sort of Manichaeanism: the pure and simple glorification of Party decisions is accorded the pompous title of Socialist Realism and celebrated as a triumphant new step forward, while the writer who shows the slightest sign of independence, even of the most harmless sort, immediately by the political powers that be.

[….] Meyerhold, shorn now of all his functions, makes one last appearance at the Congress of Theater Directors in 1939. The Party had hoped to force him back into its ranks after the long penance it had imposed upon him. The speech he delivered on this occasion proved, however, that his loyalties could not be co-opted. “This pitiable and sterile thing that claims to be Socialist Realism,” he had the courage to state publicly, “has nothing to do with art. Theater belongs to the realm of art, and without art there is no theater. Go to Moscow theaters and have a look at the dull and boring performances, which differ only in their degree of proximity to absolute worthlessness. . . . In the great circles in which once upon a time there was only fervent and constantly renewed artistic life, in which men devoted to art engaged in research, conducted experiments, lost their way and found new paths for achieving mises-en-scéne that sometimes were bad and sometimes marvelous, one now finds only a depressing mediocrity, [men] possessed of the greatest good will but overcome with despair and displaying a terrible lack of talent.” The day after this expldsive speech, Meyerhold is arrested and dies not long after, either as a result of the interrogations he is made to undergo or because he is mistreated in an internment camp. His wife, the famous actress Zinaida Reich, is murdered a few weeks after her husband’s arrest.

[….] Bertolt Brecht’s great and exceptional merit lies in his having been able to preserve the revolutionary fervor of his theater long after the revolutionary impetus of theater had died out in the Soviet Union. In a certain sense he is the only Communist writer whose creative genius was not paralyzed by the iron collar of Socialist Realism. This is unquestionable proof of Brecht’s enormous adaptability and perhaps proof also of a talent for theater which, far from being snuffed out by exterior constraints, reacts to outside pressures by overcoming its own limitations.

In Brecht’s case there is a continual dialectical interplay between Marxist reflection, or at least reflection that is meant to be Marxist, and creative activity that keeps this theorizing from being too abstract. Marxist esthetics, which shares the extreme intellectualism of Marxist doctrine as a whole and thus tends to be very stiff and wooden, takes on an unexpected, unpredictable, almost impulsive quality when Brecht writes on the subject. Marxist esthetics is too often stripped to a bare skeleton, a procedure that is very helpful in anatomical studies but is not at all appropriate for the study of any sort of living reality. In certain characters in Brecht’s theater, Mother Courage or Mr. Puntila or Galileo for example, this skeleton is draped in living flesh that palpitates and quivers with sensations and appetites that are usually ignored and condemned by the deadly dull exponents of Socialist puritanism.

[….] Pleasure and education must go hand in hand. “Theater should not merely be called upon to produce a body of knowledge, images that teach us what reality is like. Our theater must arouse a fervent desire to know, and take care to provide the pleasure the spectator feels when reality is transformed. Our audiences must not only learn how Prometheus bound is freed of his chains, but also be induced to feel the pleasure that results from his liberation. All the desires and all the pleasures of inventors and discoverers and the feelings of triumph of liberators must be taught by our theater,” he writes.

Chapter 6: Socialist Realism

[….] “Socialist Realism” is adopted as the official watchword at the First Congress of Soviet Writers in August 1934. At this juncture the phrase does not refer to a special style that the writer is to employ; it is used, rather, as a definition of the artistic principle underlying all works that win the official stamp of approval.

[….] “Party spirit” (partignost)
becomes the most important element as the regime is consolidated, that is to say as it turns into a rigid and distrustful conservatism. Disguised as literary criticism, Socialist Realism thus represents a bureaucratic and administrative conception of literature notable both for the exceptional vagueness and fuzziness of its notions in the realm of pure esthetics and for the implacable rigor of its judgments, which for the most part have no justification other than the political needs of the moment.

[….] De-Stalinization should have favored the re-establishment of an open Marxist esthetics. But as we know, the new liberalism was cautiously limited to matters of form. Need we recall that this separation of form and content is contrary to Marxist dialectics? If it is true, as Marxist doctrine maintains, that form, being more stable and less labile, always lags behind content, which reflects historical evolution, but eventually always catches up with it, the contrary may also be true: once form is freed of its fetters, content will not long continue to tolerate its chains.

[….] Should Marxist esthetics retrace its steps and set out once again on the road that led to the revolutionary art of the 1920’s in order to speed up this process that is moving ahead all too slowly? Unfortunately, reviving a past period in history does not appear to be possible: a historical climate cannot be artifically recreated. Perhaps Marxist esthetics, a prisoner today of so-called Socialist reality, needs to be quickened by the utopian spirit that Ernst Bloch argues is necessary for Marxism in general in his three-volume book Hope as a Principle, that “myth” which Marx uses as a “mediation” between the base and the superstructure and which Roger Garaudy calls in his Boundless Realism “the concerted and personalized expression of the awareness of what is missing, of what still remains to be done in those areas of nature and society not yet mastered.” In throwing its doors wide open to the visions of a better future and the dreams of freedom that have always comforted mankind throughout the centuries, Marxist esthetics will cease to be the tool of oppression and obscurantism that it has been ever since Socialist Realism became official Soviet policy, and will finally be able to play its real role within a firmly established Socialist society, that of keeping consciences that are drowsy by nature on the alert, of spurring men on toward the ever-widening horizon of the future, of revealing to men the ever-changing and permanent meaning of their existence.


Source: https://drive.google.com/file/d/1PwnU26uQjsQdq_ZEtIh2L2n4tyNCcKKw/view?usp=drivesdk

Thursday, October 3, 2024

Election Trivia... but what year???


Who's ready for some petty bourgeois Groundhog Day trivia?

Step 1. Fill in the blanks above.

Step 2. Answers will post in 24 hours.

Comradely,
Jay

3 October 2024


The Green Party's electoral cretinism

U. S. Marxist Jim Miller on the Green Party:

Jill Stein, Green Party candidate for president, has teamed up with Professor Butch Ware as her running mate.

This campaign is baked in the oven of middle-class woke politics. The central demand is to stop Israel's "genocide" in Gaza and stop sending military aid from the U.S. to Israel. The campaign rhetoric blames Democrats and Republics for a panoply of sufferings that has been inflicted.

The Green Party represents a college-educated, privileged grouping that recognizes itself as a political movement mediating between the ruling class and the workers -- it has no perspective for real social change. Its slogans about reforms are electoral bait. But what is noteworthy now -- and different from past campaigns -- is the rancorous hostility to Israel -- this is a sign of malignant Jew-hatred.

Here is a video interview of the Greens:
--https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KGm2Fe4G3AA

* * *

You can follow Jim here.

Genocide? 12 months and still the IDF saves lives.


Seen elsewhere: 

"IDF forces in Gaza rescued Fawzia - a 21-year-old Yazidi woman who was kidnapped from her home in Iraq by ISIS when she was only 11 years old. She was sold in Iraq as a girl to a resident of Gaza who visited the country, and he took her to Gaza. Today, after a decade, she was reunited with her family."

Fredric Jameson 1934-2024

Socialist Worker, a particularly screamy, Jew-hating website on the UK sectarian left, has published an obituary of Fredric Jameson, 1934-2024.

I stopped reading SW around 2013, when I also started skipping all-but-the-headlines for US Stalinist “antizionism” periodicals like Workers World. 

But since I spent this spring reading ten Jameson books, I gave the obituary a read. Author and SW editorial board grandee Alex Callinicos wrote it. 

A few excerpts that I agree with will suffice:

[....] At the end of the book [Marxism and Form (1971)] Jameson writes, “The works of culture come to us as signs in all-but-forgotten-code, as symptoms of diseases no longer even recognised, as fragments of a totality we have long since lost the organs to see.”

It was the task of dialectical criticism to restore these fragments to their place in this invisible totality—capitalism....

[....] it allows us to understand history as the “absent cause” of all our strivings. In it the “ground bass of material production continues, … yet conveniently muffled and intermittent, easy to ignore”. But “history is what hurts, it is what refuses desire and sets limits to individual as well as collective praxis.”

[....] In his most important theoretical work, The Political Unconscious (1981), Jameson boldly claims that “the political perspective”—he means Marxism—is “the absolute horizon of all readings and interpretations”.

[....] In 1991 he responded defiantly to the apparent triumph of Western imperialism at the end of the Cold War. “Capital and labour (and their opposition) will not go away under the new dispensation,” he said. “Whether the word Marxism disappears or not, therefore, in the erasure of the tapes in some new Dark Ages, the thing itself will inevitably reappear.”

[....] Jameson argues that Marxism does not simply reject what appear to be rival theories. Instead, it recognises that they offer partial, limited perspectives on reality. It takes over their insights and integrates them into its understanding of the social whole....


Jay

3 October 2024


Source: Socialist Worker, Thursday 26 September 2024 Issue 2925




To Commemorate A Pogrom

Wednesday, October 2, 2024

The deepening crisis of capitalism, part 2

Excerpt:

Marx had (at least) four things to say about a situation like this:
1. The profit rate will fall for the system as a whole in the long run and in the final analysis.
2. Capitalists introduce methods that reduce this fall, but these methods work in such a way as to increase the falling rate in the long run.
3. The measures undertaken by the capitalists can only stall or reverse this falling rate temporarily for the system as a whole.
4. The capitalists would not be able to recognize the source or the outcome of the problem.


From: