Thursday, April 28, 2011

As UK rulers demand worker austerity....






Britain: Royal wedding exposes deep class divisions


On Friday 29 April the people of Britain will be invited to participate in the joyful celebration of the marriage of Mr. William Windsor and Ms. Katherine Middleton. At the same time that the government is cutting billions from unnecessary extravagances such as hospitals, schools, teachers, nurses, the old and the sick, the unemployed and single parents, the Coalition has had the good sense to spend a lot of money on something as essential to the Public Good as the nuptials of Willy and Kate.

The happy couple. Photo: UK_repsome
One can see many advantages in this. At a time of falling living standards for everyone who is not either a member of the royal family or a banker, it can take the minds of the British public off unpleasant thoughts of unpaid debts and unemployment. It might even make them forget the recent mass demonstration that brought half a million of them onto the streets of London to protest the vicious cuts being implemented by the ruling Conservative-Lib-Dem Coalition.

More important still, the royal occasion can have beneficial effects on the aforementioned Coalition, which is currently plummeting in public opinion polls. This collapse has brought to the fore a split between the Tories and the Lib-Dems who are facing annihilation in the local government election in May. It is the sincere hope of David Cameron that the destinies of the Coalition will be revived on the basis of the wedding oath: “What God has put together, let no man put asunder.”

We are informed that a large part of the proceedings will be paid for out of the pockets of the Middletons and the royal family. However, on the one hand, this overlooks the fact that the money in the bank accounts of the Windsors comes from the generosity of the British taxpaying public. Some ill-intentioned people have even hinted that our royal family, who are in receipt of millions in handouts from social security, may be considered as the biggest scroungers off the state. However, this unkind judgement overlooks the vital role that the monarchy plays in British society.

Apart from providing many hours of harmless entertainment for the masses, taking their minds off their troubles, the monarchy also provides productive employment to a large number of journalists, television commentators and photographers. Take for example the BBC, which has designated no fewer than 550 journalists to cover the wedding. Considering that the same BBC has recently announced the sacking of hundreds of journalists and the virtual demolition of its renowned World Service as a result of government cuts, this must count as an act of unprecedented generosity.

In fact, London is now being overrun with journalists from all over the world, who are swarming with an enthusiasm like that of the participants in a cannibal feast. This enthusiasm is quite understandable, as not every nation is blessed with the institution of monarchy. The French and Italians, having been for so long deprived of it, are in transports of delight. But it is always the Americans who are particularly prone to the intoxicating effects of proximity to royalty, falling over themselves to express their devotion to the British Crown that they so heedlessly ejected in 1776. Yet, as the BBC glumly pointed out, the enthusiasm of the world’s press is not entirely reciprocated by the people of this Isle.

Indifference

There has been a striking change in attitudes in British society since 1981 when Prince Charles and Lady Diana Spencer married. Then about 10 million people across the country attended street parties. Even more took to the streets in 1977 to mark the Queen’s Silver Jubilee. Now, despite the best efforts of the Prime Minister to get people to celebrate the royal wedding, the figures are sharply down.

The press tries to explain this away in terms of a “breakdown in community spirit in large cities and towns”. But this is explanation that explains nothing, since Britain has had large cities and towns for the past hundred years or more. Even if this were the case, it fails to explain why such a breakdown in community spirit has taken place. Is it not to do with the cannibal spirit of capitalism and the market economy that tends to atomize society and encourage selfishness under the slogan of “individualism”? Remember Thatcher’s statement: “there is no such thing as society”.

As the Great Day approaches there are signs of desperation on the part of the authorities, especially the Prime Minister, David Cameron. Last week he urged people to "go ahead" and organize street parties on 29 April. In an effort to encourage more people to host street parties, local councils scrapped much of the red tape and regulations that would normally apply when such an event takes place.

Chris White, chairman of the Local Government Association (LGA)'s culture, tourism and sport programme board, said: "Councils across the country have pulled out all the stops to make organizing royal wedding street parties as easy as possible.” And added that, “Bringing communities together in these tough times can only be a good thing and it's something councils see as one of their key roles."

The government had stressed that it has ordered councils to "relax the rules" and cut red tape which could stop people holding parties. Local government minister Grant Shapps said: "We've made clear that the bonkers health and safety rules that can prevent simple celebrations taking place need not apply to royal wedding parties – far from it, they can be set up with the minimum of fuss and almost no form-filling."

Never mind the rules and laws designed to keep the populace safe and sound! Let there be flood and fire, let there be earthquakes and pestilence! But above all, let there be street parties! The reason for these exceptional measures is simply that the people of Britain have responded to the noisy campaign in the media with a wall of deafening indifference, if not outright hostility. And instead of uniting the Nation, the royal circus has served to expose sharp and deepening class divisions.

The class divide

The Daily Telegraph, a Conservative paper, carried an article on 23 April with the interesting title: Royal wedding: street parties list suggests class divide. In it we read the following:

“Hundreds of thousands of patriotic Britons will break out the bunting next week to celebrate the royal wedding – but official figures reveal a class divide among those hosting street parties

While middle class communities in the south east and the Home Counties have embraced the idea of hosting a traditional royal themed street party, the more working class areas including the industrial cities of the north have proved less than enthusiastic.” [our emphasis].

According to the LGA, by Tuesday, more than 5,500 communities had applied to close their roads off in order to host street parties for the royal wedding. London topped the national table with more than 800 applications, while Hertfordshire, Surrey and Kent all featured high up on the list with large numbers of celebrations taking place. These are all counties in the South East, with a high proportion of middle class and high earners.

But in the working class heartlands such as Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle and Sheffield take up has been much less enthusiastic. And in Glasgow, which has a population of almost 600,000, overwhelmingly working class, not one application for a street party has been made.

In the London boroughs figures suggest there will be around one party for every 9,600 residents. But in Birmingham the figure is just one for every 41,000 residents, in Liverpool one for every 27,630 and in Manchester one for every 20,130. In Yorkshire royal wedding fever has failed to grip Bradford, which is having just four street parties across the city, while Leeds has 21 and Sheffield 31. Cardiff has approved 53 road closures and Bristol 54. Newcastle has had 32 applications, but in nearby Sunderland there have been only four.

However, it is not simply a north-south divide, but a class divide that goes far deeper. Let us take for example the southern county of Shropshire, a predominantly rural area not generally associated with the class struggle or radical politics. An article in The Shropshire Star on 1st February 2011 had the title: “Royal Wedding: No street partying like it’s 1981”. It reads as follows:

“Shropshire has turned its back on staging major street parties to celebrate the Royal Wedding in April. Little interest has been shown in holding parties to mark the marriage of Prince William and Kate Middleton. Shropshire Council has received just four applications for closures on April 29 and has had to ask for further information on each one before they can be properly considered.

“It will not charge for closures while Telford & Wrekin Council – which will charge a £25 fee – has had a ‘few initial inquiries’ but no firm applications for closures. Shrewsbury Mayor, Kathleen Owen, said it was ‘very disappointing’ that more people hadn’t applied.”

At the end of the article in the Shropshire Star are the comments from the readers and they make interesting reading! This is a typical example:

“We have had a communications and information explosion since 1981 and the majority of people would find having their noses rubbed with such opulence abhorrent given the current domestic financial meltdown, with the country just about ticking over whilst running on empty. There may be a party going on in Westminster that day, but outside of the M25 I don’t think anyone really cares.”

And this:

“I wish W C all the best, but keep it a quiet affair after all some of us are losing our jobs through no fault of our own, some no pay rise, some shorter working week, we all are suffering a huge tax and cost of living rise. What have we got to celebrate? Oh! I forgot we voted this government and council in and now we pay the price… yes I am bitter because it was the bankers’ fault and we are all paying for it but never mind… they are still getting their bonuses so that’s OK… enough to cover the deficit…. something wrong somewhere. I would sooner pay more tax in the short term and keep my job and support my family rather than lose my job; but we weren’t even given the choice. You can’t seriously vote this council or this government back in again.”

And again:

“The Royals are so out of touch with the ordinary person in the street that nobody really gives a damn about this forthcoming wedding. People have far greater worries on their minds like how will they make ends meet, how much longer will they have a job? etc. In the Royal Household they don’t know the meaning of the word ‘Recession”. (Royal Wedding: No street partying like it’s 1981, shropshirestar.com: ]

This lack of interest explains the government backed campaign in the media to encourage more people to organize street parties. They may succeed in this to some extent, but it cannot change the fact that there is a change in the attitude of the British people to the royals and to the rich in general. The reason why this is alarming is not simply that David Cameron wants to get more votes in May. It is that the British Monarchy is a reserve weapon in the hands of the ruling class. In an atmosphere of heightened class struggle they may need to use this weapon in the future, and they need to keep it sharp.

Opposition silenced

A decorated Regent Street. Photo: David Jones
The importance of the occasion is such that no effort or expense must be spared to ensure that it passes off safely. No half measures indeed! One week before the Joyous Day, the police chiefs were already announcing that no demonstrations of any kind would be tolerated – peaceful or otherwise. Even the displaying of placards with tasteless messages that may prove offensive to the sensitivities of the Great British Public is to be strictly prohibited.

Since this is clearly a matter of public concern, the bill for policing will naturally be paid for out of the public finances. It will not come cheap. £15 million of public money will be spent on April 29th; while at the same time ordinary working people are being told to tighten their belts as their schools and hospitals are closed and unemployment continues to grow.

Police officers will be on duty in large numbers to ensure the marriage of Prince William and Kate Middleton is a "safe, secure and happy event". In order to ensure the maximum peace of mind on the day, the authorities in their wisdom have decided to place police sharpshooters on London’s rooftops with orders to shoot to kill. There must be no half measures to protect the royal jamboree!

Scotland Yard will deploy no fewer than 5,000 officers backed by the military on Friday and has promised that “criminal activity” will be met with a “robust” response. How does one define “criminal activity”, and what does a “robust” response mean? The answer can be found in an article in the Metro (27.04.2011), under the title: Anti-royalists banned from London royal wedding protests, which informs us that Anti-Monarchy protesters have been told by police that disrupting the royal wedding will not be tolerated.

Metropolitan police Commander Christine Jones said: “Any criminals attempting to disrupt it, be that in the guise of a protest or otherwise, will be met by a robust, decisive, flexible and proportionate policing response.” This implies that Anti-Monarchy protesters are criminals and that any republican agitation constitutes potentially criminal activity.

Now it is a long and honourable tradition of British democracy that any group of citizens may gather together for the sake of peaceful protest. But next Friday this tradition is to be violated by the police in the most blatant manner. Nobody will be permitted to express opposition to the royal wedding “in the guise of a protest or otherwise”. This means that even a peaceful protest will be regarded as a crime, and treated accordingly.

And how is this criminal activity to be dealt with? We are told that it will be dealt with robustly. How robust is robust? The Metro informs us: “Marksmen from the Met’s specialist CO19 firearms unit are understood to be on a ‘shoot to kill’ footing and special forces are expected to infiltrate the crowds.” [Our emphasis]. This is despite the fact that, according to the same report, “Senior officers insist there is no ‘specific intelligence’ about threats”.

So, although there is no “specific intelligence” of any kind of a terrorist threat, the authorities have decided to infiltrate the crowds with plainclothes police, as well as placing sharpshooters on the roofs of London with orders to shoot to kill!

The Metro article states that sixty people arrested for “causing trouble” during the TUC marches have been banned from central London on Friday. This means that people can be arrested and banned from the streets of London merely on suspicion that they may cause a breach of the peace, although they have committed no offence, and the police are expected to make several more arrests in coming days.

Of course, one can request permission from the police to rally against the wedding. But since it has been made clear that all groups applying to protest are likely to be refused permission unless they agree to postpone action until later in the day, this seems a rather pointless procedure. Police will also seize any banners that the public “would find offensive” according to Assistant Commissioner Lynne Owens – even if they would be acceptable at other times. The anti-monarchy pressure group Republic said correctly that moves by the police to seize protest banners were an attack on free speech.

Moreover, not every street party will receive official encouragement. Camden Council has taken steps to ban a republican street party, despite previous confirmation that the event could go ahead. The campaign group Republic, who were organising the party, have vowed to fight the decision. Having given the go ahead in March for Earlham Street in Covent Garden to be the site of Republic’s party, and with just three weeks to go, the Council has refused to provide a temporary traffic order to close Earlham Street, effectively banning the event altogether. So much for free speech!

Unusually the decision was taken at the level of senior management, with Sam Monck, Assistant Director of Environment and Transport, citing “local opposition” as the reason for the ban. The ban has the apparent support of Labour councillor Sue Vincent, Executive Member for the department.

A spokesman for Republic said: ‘This country does not belong to the monarchy and people have every right to protest against it. We do not find it acceptable our police force is going to silence peaceful protesters.’

Guess who’s coming to dinner…

While being encouraged to hold street parties, very few of Her Majesty’s loyal subjects are actually invited to attend the wedding. This regrettable fact may be explained on two grounds: 1) the limited space inside Westminster Abby and 2) the vast number of important foreign guests who must be accommodated therein.

As well as the Royal Family, 50 heads of state are attending the ceremony, which it is anticipated will be watched by up to two billion people on television. There will be 70-80 close protection teams for VIPs on the day (all paid for, of course, at the public expense).

Among the list of guests is the Crown Prince of Bahrain, Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa, who reportedly received a personal invitation to the wedding from the Queen herself. No vulgar street parties for him! The Crown Prince has been a guest of the royal family before – in December 2004, Prince Charles invited him to St James's Palace and they have had regular discussions on relations between their two countries, according to recent reports in the Saudi press.

The Bahraini ruling family is supposed to be “committed to reform.” But for many weeks Bahrain has been the scene of mass pro-democracy demonstrations that have been ruthlessly repressed by the police and army. At least 30 people have died in Bahrain since protests began in mid-February, including four who died in official custody, and many activists and lawyers have been imprisoned.

What has been the reaction of the Crown Prince to all this? He has praised the "relentless efforts of Bahrain's security forces to maintain security and stability". He told Bahraini TV: "I will continue … to be firm on the principle that there can be no leniency with anyone who seeks to split our society into two halves." Scores of people have been killed and the government has announced a state of emergency, calling in Saudi troops to “keep order”.

The whole world is well aware of the atrocities of Colonel Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein and Hosni Mubarak. But a discrete curtain has been drawn over what is happening in Bahrain. The public opinion of the world has been denied access to the savagery of the Bahraini security services and their Saudi accomplices.

Human rights campaigners have been petitioning the foreign secretary, William Hague, to revoke the invitation. "Bahrain has created a state of fear, not a state of safety," said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director of Human Rights Watch. The situation has caused such a scandal that it was proving an embarrassment to the Windsors.

Finally Clarence House was informed on Sunday morning that the prince would no longer be attending, and the Bahraini royal family would not be sending a representative. The Prince said it was with "deep regret" that he had reached his "considered decision". He said he had hoped the situation in Bahrain would have improved so he could attend and not "overshadow" the event. He added that they had "clearly sought to involve my potential attendance as a political proxy for wider matters involving Bahrain".

The Windsors are wholly indifferent to the fate of the people of Bahrain. But they are acutely sensitive to bad publicity. It is evident that the Prince’s "considered decision" was not arrived at unaided. The BBC's royal correspondent Peter Hunt said just 24 hours before that the Prince was definitely coming, and added "who knows what sort of diplomatic pressure might have been applied behind the scenes?" He said while Prince William's officials were saying nothing in public, they would be privately pleased that one "distraction" had gone away.

In March, Bahrain's Sunni rulers announced martial law, deployed security forces and called in troops from neighbouring Sunni-led Gulf Arab countries, in particular Saudi Arabia, to crush the revolt. Protesters have been shot, arrested, tortured and killed to prop up the Bahraini royal family. But the Saudis who are responsible for much of the repression in Bahrain have no intention of missing out on a free lunch and will be honoured guests at the wedding.

The royal business deals

It is well known that the royal Arab dictators have plenty of friends in Clarence House and Buckingham Palace. The relationship between the British royal family and those of the Middle East has a long history. Recently Prince Charles used his connections with the Qatari princes – who own the site – to sabotage the plans for Chelsea barracks at the cost of thousands of jobs.

The lucrative relationship between members of the British royal family and corrupt Arab dictators was recently made public when Prince Andrew called the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) "idiots" for daring to investigate claims of corruption in a £43billion British arms deal with Saudi Arabia. This conduct was too much even for the Sun newspaper.

The WikiLeaks website revealed that Andrew, who has been given the “job” of Britain's “roving trade envoy”, condoned offering bribes for lucrative contracts during a meeting in Kyrgyzstan. The Prince, who is not renowned for his intellectual powers, gave his "astonishingly candid" performance at an official lunch in the former Soviet state in Central Asia two years ago. In the course of his rant (doubtless fuelled by an excess of champagne and vodka) he also managed to insult the Americans and the French.

It was a reference to an SFO probe into alleged "kickbacks" a senior Saudi royal had received in return for the arms contract. The incendiary comments found their way back to the US Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan Tatiana Gfoeller, who cabled an even more "astonishingly candid” secret report to her masters in Washington. She accused the middle son of the Queen of speaking "cockily" and said his comments "verged on the rude".

She said that a delegate from one firm admitted it was tempting to resort to bribery in Kyrgyzstan. In an exchange between British and Canadian guests, business corruption levels in the country were said to have been compared with Canada's Yukon Territory in the 19th century. At this, Andrew burst out laughing and said: "All of this sounds exactly like France."

Britain's largest defence contractor BAE Systems supplied military jets to the Saudis and earlier this year paid nearly £300million in fines to settle bribery charges by Britain's Serious Fraud Office and US Department of Justice. Andrew is reported as having "railed" at British anti-corruption investigators, who had the "idiocy" to almost ruin BAE's al-Yamama deal with the Saudis.

Gfoeller added that British businessmen present – who she called "his mother's subjects" – “roared their approval". Here the mask of Olympian royalty finally falls to the ground to reveal the grubby connections between the corrupt wheeling and dealing of big business and the British monarchy.

According to the leaked documents, Andrew also denounced reporters for investigating bribery, referring to them as "those ******* journalists who poke their noses everywhere and make it harder for British businessmen to do business." His swearword was deleted in the leaked report, but with or without the expletives, his meaning was crystal clear: What is a little palm greasing between friends, after all? Come to that, what is a little repression, torture and murder? After all, money does not smell!

These revelations came only six months after Andrew’s ex-wife, the notorious Fergie, was secretly filmed accepting £27,000 from an undercover reporter posing as a tycoon. She claimed that for another £500,000, she could fix access to Andrew – a very reasonable offer from any point of view, and one that lifts a small corner to reveal the sordid links between the monarchy, big business and reactionary politics.

Andrew's outbursts caused extreme embarrassment to Buckingham Palace, which, naturally, refused to comment. It all flew in the face of protocol and the myth that the Royal Family must keep out of politics. This does not mean that the members of the Windsor clan have no politics or business interests – only that the public must not know what they are. The only difference between Andrew and the rest of the Windsor gang is that he has an exceptionally big mouth and an exceptionally small brain and therefore commits the heinous offense of saying what the others think and do on the quiet.

Many of the royals of other countries that Andrew has dealt with will be at the wedding. The inclusion of corrupt and brutal Arab dictators on the guest list of the royal wedding sends a very clear message to the world. It exposes the reactionary outlook and politics of the supposedly apolitical Windsor family. None of this will be referred to by the official media covering the wedding. They will no doubt be concentrating on Kate’s dress, the wedding anthem, her procession down the aisle and other such matters of crucial importance to the workers and youth of Britain. The reason for this is that it shows up the real principles and priorities of the family, its friendships, connections and business interests, and in so doing, it provides a very clear reason why the monarchy should be abolished without delay.

London, April 28, 2011

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

Current crisis long anticipated by socialists


Marxism and the Economic Crisis

Posted: 27 Apr 2011 07:54 AM PDT


By Nicky Dempsey


All societies based on social classes tend to produce surplus value, to a greater or less extent. The character of the society may be determined by which class receives the bulk of the surplus.

The economic and financial crisis that became apparent in 2007 and 2008 was located primarily in the imperialist centres, led by the United States. The crisis was engendered by a crisis of profitability, a reduction in the surplus available to the capitalist class. Economic policy since that time has been designed to restore as far as possible the greater proportion of that surplus to the capitalist class in the imperial centres.


Marxist Analysis

While terms such as ‘sub-prime lending’, ‘special purpose vehicles’, ‘collateralised debt obligations’, and so on are recent inventions, Marx, analysing the repeated contemporary financial crises of his own period was able to reveal their connection to the repeated crises of capitalism in general.i


Further, the main origins of the current crisis and the bourgeoisie’s response to it have included a series of features that are all anticipated in Marxist analysis. These include a rapid and accelerating accumulation of capital in the later stages of the prior boom, a consequent decline in the profit rate, a financial panic including collapsing asset prices and financial institutions dependent on them, the ‘hoarding’ of capital by the capitalist class as a whole (now led by its dominant section, finance capital), and an attempt to restore the rate of profit by driving down wages and other measures.

In addition, there has been a rapid increase in the volume of what Marx termed ‘fictitious capital,’ that is purely financial capital unrelated to the production process. In this instance it has been created by the central banks of the United States, Britain, Japan and (by slightly different means) the European Central Bank in order to rescue their respective banking systems.


The Origins of the Crisis


There is a widespread determination in bourgeois circles and beyond to explain the current crisis as a failure of the state, where, it is alleged, spending ran out of control.

The fact that the crisis was instigated in the US under a Republican Presidency (which cut non-military spending in real terms) and that it was manifested in the private, banking sector that would have collapsed without a state-organised bailout has not impinged on the popularity of this ‘explanation’ of the crisis.

Even so, there is near unanimity even in bourgeois explanations of the crisis that it was preceded by a business cycle in which there was continuous, even accelerating growth in all the leading economies. Since the world’s leading economies – with the important exception of China – are all capitalist economies this means there was a prolonged period of capital accumulation and that it reached a crescendo just before the collapse. That this is true of every significant international crisis of capitalism since before Marx alone tends to suggest is a property of capitalism itself.

Marx identified that property of capitalism and the reason for the economic collapse, which is that – at a certain point – the capitalists refuse to invest. The capitalist economic rationale for that is worth examining in a little detail.

Falling Profits

A single firm making widgets invests £1mn in plant and machinery in the course of the year and has labour costs of £3mn. It also has other costs, primarily the raw material costs and bank charges and interest of £1mn each. Business is good and the income, the value from widgets sold is £7mn.

Correctly speaking the surplus value realised is £2mn; that is the £7mn in revenues minus £1mn in raw materials’ costs, £1mn in machinery and £3mn in labour costs. While the fact that labour is biggest single cost to the capitalists is a source of never ending complaint by them, the reality is that all the value created in the production process is created by labour itself. No matter how highly automated the process is, the capitalist will wait a long time before the raw materials and the machinery will create widgets on their own.

The profit rate in the process is 40%, £5mn in outlay versus £2mn in additional return, or surplus value.ii This is the purpose of the capitalist. Their raison d’etre is not the creation of widgets – another year they might diversify into tin cans or steel plates. Capital exists to accumulate capital, or as Marx calls it the ‘self-expansion of capital.’

Business is good, the economy is expanding and the capitalist feels sure that he can sell more widgets especially if he can steal a march on his competitors by investing in the latest high-speed machinery. In the next year, he has spent £2mn on plant and machinery, £3mn on labour and £1mn on raw materials. He also still has bank charges of £1mn. Sales have also risen by £0.5mn to £7.5mn, validating the additional investment.

As far as the capitalist is concerned the investment is a great success, with a 50% return on the additional £1mn in the first year alone and more anticipated. But what has happened to our widget-makers’ rate of profit? Now he has deployed £2mn in fixed capital, £1mn in raw materials and £3mn in labour while his total sales are £7.5mn. The capital he has circulated amounts to £6mn, while the value realised is £7.5mn. The profit rate has fallen to 25%, £1.5mn compared to £6mn.

This seems to be of little consequence since the widget-maker expects that he will realise total value of at least £7.5mn for years to come, and the investment is a one-off. Unfortunately for him, his rivals have also seen his new machinery and they too invest in the latest technology, some of it now faster than his own. Unless the demand for widgets expands exponentially the first widget-maker is faced with an uncomfortable choice; either he must invest further to see off his rivals (and render obsolete his prior investment) or he must accept that his rivals will win market share from him and his sales decline back towards £7mn, or even lower. In either case, his profit rate must falliii.

Marx described the law of Tendency of the Profit Rate to Fall (TPRF) as the most important law of capitalist production. This is the determining feature of all generalised economic crises of capitalism since its inception. Since the purpose of capital is its own self-expansion, the continual decline in the profit rate, without countervailing tendencies, will inevitably lead to a refusal to invest at all. When that occurs the firms making the new widget-making machinery, which was initially so sought after, suffer not just a decline in the profit rate but a catastrophic decline in their own sales or total value realised, resulting in plant closures, lay-offs and bankruptcies. A host of other firms, from suppliers to the machinery maker, to sellers of goods to their unemployed workers, all suffer a consequent sharp declines in sales so that they too stop investing, lay off workers, and so on.

What are the countervailing tendencies? While Marx designated the TPRF as a law of capitalism, there are tendencies which can operate to counteract it. These primarily include lengthening the working day without increased pay, that is increasing the rate of exploitation of the workforce, or reducing the amount of pay for the same hours, which amounts to the same thing. Removing or curtailing any benefits to workers (overwhelmingly provided, if at all, by employers, not the state, in Marx’s day) has the same effect.iv To ensure that wages are lowered requires all sorts of attacks on any forms of organisation by the workforce into trade unions, but especially political parties, the use of scab labour and violence against any strikes. Strategically, it also requires what Marx called the existence of a ‘reserve army of labour’; a mass of unemployed workers willing to work at almost any price to meet necessities and who can be used to lower wages generally. In the OECD only one third of the working age population is in work.

Returning to the current crisis, it is clear that all its main features conform to Marx’s analysis. v The boom which preceded the crisis necessarily entailed a rapid accumulation of capital, that the profit rate fell and the capitalists responded by refusing to invest. In the OECD economies as a whole investment contracted in 2007, a year before the recession itself began, and the total decline in investment (gross fixed capital formation) accounts for 96% of the entire decline in the economy.

Politics And Economics

This struggle is not simply confined to the capitalists and the workers. In the capitalist economies, the governments will always seek to defend and promote the interests of the capitalist class as a whole. Therefore the entire drive towards ‘austerity’ policies is in reality the capitalist governments using fiscal, legislative and other means to pursue the same agenda as the capitalist class – the restoration of the rate of profit.

The reduction in social welfare benefits, the job losses and pension cuts in the public sector, reductions in services, privatisations, and increase in unemployment are all aimed at generally lowering wages and bolstering the ranks of the ‘reserve army of labour’. Indeed bourgeois economists have a different term for the same policy objective, the ‘demonstration effect’, where lower wages and higher unemployment in the public sector is meant to ‘demonstrate’ to private sector workers the futility of attempting to defend their living standards against the drive towards lower real wages.

In addition, taxes are cut on corporate profits, even as profits recover once more, allowing the capitalists to retain a greater proportion of surplus, but necessitating further cuts in public spending.

The Global Economy

Although the crisis is located in the imperial centres, it has affected the entire global economy in an uneven fashion. The exceptional creation of fictitious capital via ‘quantitative easing’ capital by the central banks has not led to a restoration of productive lending in their economies. Instead, combined with other factors such as the refusal to invest and a diversion of production away from food towards fuel (eg ethanol), this creation of money has led to a global acceleration in inflation, including food prices. This in turn is creating enormous hardship and economic dislocation in the colonial and semi-colonial world, which is also the basis for the political upheavals that are becoming increasingly widespread and whose recent high point is the Arab Revolution.

No country is immune from the effects of the crisis. However in those countries where the working class has achieved state power there are a series of levers to hand so that these negative global trends can be offset or ameliorated to an extent. The most adept use of these levers has been by the leadership of the Chinese workers’ state, where increased state-directed investment offset an initial fall in exports and declining investment by local capitalists, and where now monetary policy is aimed at the control of prices pressures.

Western European Welfare

The crisis in Western Europe is a specific combination of these global trends. Specifically, to avert revolution and as one of the most effective means of rapidly rebuilding exhausted economies, the post World War II settlement in Western European included the creation of a welfare state model of social provision. In the subsequent ‘Cold War’ between the United States and the Soviet Union, punctuated by repeated political alarms and economic downturns, the maintenance of that welfare state was the best guarantor that no movements arose in Western Europe which strategically challenged the existence of capitalism.

However, it was a long cherished ambition of the capitalists in the US and increasingly in Western Europe itself that the Western European social welfare model be abolished, to be replaced by something much more like the US deregulated, de-unionised, minimal state model.

In the words of former Republican Congressional majority leader (and possible Presidential hopeful) Newt Gingrich, “the European social welfare model is a Cold War construct, and following the end of the Cold War, it will have to go.”

This replacement would have a number of direct benefits for capital (including US capital operating in Europe, or hoping to):
  • Whole sectors of the economy would be privatised and now available for profit (from telecoms, energy suppliers and transport, to health and education)

  • Minimising welfare provisions reduces the ‘social wage’ and thereby reduces wages more generally

  • This in turn can serve to reduce wages in unrelated private sector enterprises, and thereby boost profits

  • The aggregate lower spending by the state can be used to lower taxes for businesses (even while increasing them for workers via indirect taxes such as VAT)


There is no logic to these plans if they are viewed outside of the drive to increase the rate of profit, since their effects may well be both to lower the growth rate of those economies and certainly to make crises more, not less likely.

To illustrate the latter point it is necessary only to recall that the largest job losses for any of the major economies during the crisis was in the US, where only the most minimal social welfare provision exists, where the state’s activity comprises a far smaller proportion of the economy than in Western Europe and where there are the most minimal job protection laws.

For the former point, that growth is likely to be lower as a result of the drive to lower wages, it is necessary to recall that approximately two thirds of all spending in the Western industrialised economies is consumer spending, the main support for which is either wages or transfer payments to the poor. There would have to be an extraordinary growth in the consumption of luxury goods by the extremely wealthy in order to compensate for the loss of consumption of more basic goods and necessities by workers and the poor.vi


Response to the Crisis

Both economically and politically there are three main actors in this drama – the working class and its allies, the bourgeoisie and government (which in all the capitalist economies acts in the interests of the bourgeoisie).

Outside of crisis, the usual functioning of any market economy is that workers’ savings (deposited in banks) are borrowed by capitalists for investment purposes. Governments can choose whether to borrow or save from the combination of their spending and taxation policies.


In a crisis, the capitalists no longer borrow to invest – they stop investing and hoard capital. They too become ‘savers’. Government deficits are caused by this fact – every transaction of saving requires a borrower. Governments become borrowers as unemployment and poverty rise and they are obliged to increase spending in these and other areas.

The almost unanimous response of the capitalist governments now is to lead the process of boosting profits by wage reduction, cuts to public sector services, jobs and pensions, privatisations and tax cuts for the bourgeoisie.

A socialist response is diametrically the opposite. Since the cause of the crisis is the refusal to invest and capitalist hoarding of capital, the policy is to increase investment on the government’s own account – that is to socialise whole sectors of the economy in order to direct investment in them. This would both meet social need (eg housing, transport, education and so on) and create employment.

Therefore, the slogan ‘investment, not cuts’ encapsulates the objective requirement to address the primary source of the economic crisis. State intervention in these sectors would remove them from the hands of the capitalists for perhaps a generation or more. The surpluses that can be generated from these state investments could be used to bolster the material well being of workers and the poor through further investment and job creation.

How this government intervention is to be financed is a function of the objective situation and the radicalism of the government or party concerned. Given low borrowing costs in many countries, there is certainly scope for a left government to increase borrowing to fund investment. Many on the left in Britain and Europe pin their hopes entirely on increased taxation. Increased corporate taxation can make a contribution. However, given very high government deficits it is unfeasible to imagine that higher taxes alone could eliminate government deficits and in any event would not address the capitalists’ investment strike. No matter how punitive the taxes, not a single new investment or new job would necessarily follow without a commitment to investment in key areas of the economy.

A socialist government would simply seize control of the capital being hoarded by the bourgeoisie and direct it towards productive investment. That solution is not currently on the agenda anywhere in Europe. However, the disastrous state of the banking system means that governments can effectively direct the banks to invest where they currently remain determined to hoard capital. Against their will, in many European countries the state now owns large swathes of the banking sector. The banks could simply be instructed to invest in key areas.

Historically, the European left adopted a position in favour of nationalising key industries, including the banks. Now, via state guarantees, capital requirements ECB loans and even direct ownership, the question is posed what is to be done with the banks now that so many are effectively under state control? The answer must be to increase investment, and to oppose the cuts.

Notes

i Marx wrote extensively on the nature of capitalist crises, particularly in Volume III of Capital. A partial reading of these extensive writings allows a series of different interpretations of the analysis presented of the causes of the crisis. Generally these misinterpretations fall into three main categories, although there are others: ‘underconsumption’, where goods are left on the shelf because consumers are unwilling to purchase them; ‘overproduction’, where capitalists produce more goods than are needed to satisfy wants, ‘technological crises’ which are caused by the introduction of some new technology causing bankruptcy to existing, uncompetitive capitalists. A recent example of this confusion was offered by Bernard Kuenkel writing in the London Review of Books.

A fully rounded understanding Marx’s writing on crises shows that these are frequently (even ‘always’) symptoms of crises, not their cause. The cause is the rise in the ‘organic composition’ of capital. That is the proportion of fixed capital in the production process, which lowers the rate of profit. This is an inherent tendency of capitalist production both within the business cycle and over its long-term development, and also forms part of the objective, scientific basis for its replacement by socialism.

ii Of course that is not how the capitalist sees it, since he has an array of other costs in order to conduct business the main one being bank charges and interest (but also administrative fees, licenses, etc.) Therefore he will report a profit level of just £1mn, after he has paid those charges. In this case his reported profit rate is just £1mn, from a capital outlay of £5mn. In addition, he will tend to report his profit rate as £1mn of total sales of £7mn, a ‘profit rate’ of just 14%. This is how the bourgeois statisticians, following the capitalists’ lead, report profit rates, which is really the profit margin on total sales, not the profit rate on capital employed. The important point to note is all value is created by labour, and that is the source of all value and of all surplus value, whether it lands in the pocket of the capitalist directly, or his bank.

iii The position of private monopolies is different. While they too are subject the law of the TPRF unless a different good or service can be substituted for their monopoly supply, they can raise prices and cut services to maintain profits. This explains the enthusiasm of capital for the privatisation of formerly state-held monopolies.

iv In addition, Marx described bankruptcy as the ‘great conjuring trick’ of capitalism, where it is pretended that the whole previous accumulation of capital by the individual capitalist no longer exists so that the surviving capitalists might seize the values realised for themselves and boost their profits rates.

v Among Marxist economists, there is a current of thought, led by Dumenil and Levy, who argue that the current crisis is unique in that it is a function of the new phenomenon of ‘financialisation’, the overwhelming preponderance of the financial sector whose own crisis caused the more general crisis of capitalism. There is not space here to address those ideas properly, but two points should be noted. It is correct that finance has risen to an ever greater position within capitalism, and that an increasing proportion of all surplus value goes to the financial sector, certainly in the US. But the downturn in investment in the leading capitalist economies was already taking place as the decline in asset prices began. In countries such as the US, Ireland and Portugal, construction investment contracted in 2006. Secondly, the decline in asset prices which so thoroughly undermined the financial sector would not have taken place without falling demand for them, caused by the prior underlying decline in key sectors of the economy.

vi It has become commonplace now in financial circles to pin hopes for rising stock markets precisely on this trend, a rise in the consumption of luxury goods to offset the expected slower growth of demand for basic goods. So, Goldman Sachs, Citibank and others refer to ‘Plutonomy’ a new plutocracy whose increasing consumption leads to recommendations to purchase shares in Louis Vuitton, Hermes, makers of private jets, champagne producers and luxury car makers.

Horseman, pass by


There is No Ferryman

Book Review: Slavoj Žižek, The Puppet and the Dwarf: The Perverse Core of Christianity. Cambridge & London: MIT Press. 2003

Žižek & Milbank, The Monstrosity of Christ. Cambridge & London : MIT Press. 2009


Seán Sheehan of Irish Left Review

Leibnitz famously posed the fundamental ontological question when he said we have a right to ask why there is something rather than nothing but on a more ontic level we are also entitled to ask, in respect of attendance at Catholic churches in Ireland and elsewhere, why is there someone rather than no one. Why have congregations not left in disgust at the stream of revelations about moral corruption at the heart of a male-only, libidinally suspect Church that purports to represent the Good? Church attendance may be falling but not terminally so and at times of celebration and crisis-birth, marriage, death-many people still turn to a church service and see little to object about. Marx’s metaphor about religion as the opium of the masses is used against him for if a church funeral offers solace and comfort to the bereaved and if the presence of a priest helps make the pain more bearable then is this any more reprehensible than the occasional use of drugs to help us through the night?

People who might say this are not thinking here about habitual use, serious addiction (God forbid!) is strictly for fundamentalists, but an enlightened understanding that has a place for small mercies. After all, as Fuerbach explained, the concept of God is a projection of what is best about human love: ‘In love alone resides the truth and reality of the God who counts the hairs on your head. The Christian God himself is only an abstraction from human love and an image of it.’ We are really worshipping ourselves when we worship a divine figure. But if, as Fuerbach concluded, we ‘alienate’ what is essential about our own being by projecting it onto a god then we are cutting ourselves off from something that truly belongs to us as humans. This, perhaps, is why atheists often find it difficult not to feel contempt for believers in an afterlife. A part of being human is facing the reality of suffering and death but religion, through the promise of a redemption from suffering, offers to explain this by demonstrating how our pain on earth has a purpose.

This is what the priest tells those who gather in grief at a funeral mass and even if we sense we are being offered a placebo why not, we secretly reason, swallow it down and turn aside from the horror of the Real. Nietzsche urges us to do otherwise in The Gay Science:

After Buddha was dead they continued to show his shadow for centuries in a cave - a massive eerie shadow. God is dead; but given the way human beings are there will perhaps still be caves for millennia in which his shadow is shown. - And we - we also have to triumph over his shadow!

Stepping out of the shadow is not as straightforward as this image might make it seem because the mind-forged manacles are also in shadow and they resist the rationality of science and the arguments of atheists. There is a need to believe in God, a longing for there to be something to be given as a condition of intelligibility rather than face the task of self-determining such a condition. And it is not just spiritual cowardice that accounts for hesitation in the face of atheistic claims to know there is no God, no afterlife; the very stridency of claims that would reduce everything to scientific laws smacks of the same ‘irrational’ assumption held by believers: that there exists a point where an absolute perspective is possible. There is no such point and, anyway, such stridency misses the simple importance that we give to caring about the meaninglessness of our existence. Life, the trauma of human existence, exceeds the notions that we bring to bear on it.

There is a disharmonious dynamic at work in our souls that Freud identified as the ‘death drive’ and this drive cannot be satisfied; perversely, it takes pleasure in not being satisfied. Thomas Metzinger puts it nicely in his recent The Ego Tunnel: The Science of the Mind and the Myth of the Self:

The emerging image of Homo sapiens is of a species whose members once longed to have immortal souls but are slowly recognising they are self-less Ego Machines. The biological imperative to live-indeed, live forever-was burned into our brains, into our emotional self-model, over the course of millennia … Mortality is not only an objective fact but a subjective chasm, an open wound in our phenomenal self-model….Many of us, in fact, spend our lives trying to avoid experiencing it.

This ‘subjective chasm’ can be filled by the notion of a transcendent God and arguing in the way that Dawkins does for the non-existence of such a deity does not cut any ice with believers because it fails to address the death drive, the insistent yearning for the Real. The paradox of the death drive is that it is not a wish to die but the search for something more than mere biological existence. It seeks to reach the Real by filling the gap in the symbolic order, the gap that is itself the real, but, caught up as it must be in the loop of the signifying chain, this becomes an impossible task, hence the unremitting, never-to-be-satisfied rotation of the death drive. We are not like other animals, are not content with just living, and, condemned to never finding what is not there, the death drive becomes an excessive attachment to that surplus which cannot be accommodated within the symbolic order of existence. Jenny Diski’s description of an ice rink in Skating to Antartica comes close to capturing our predicament:

An ice rink is as cruel a reminder of reality as any that has yet been devised. It is a surface artificially constructed to be as friction-free as you can get while having both feet on the ground - yet it is enclosed on all sides by a wooden barrier. An ice rink is a promise made purely for the pleasure of creating disappointment. If you want to skate without stopping you have to go round and round the bounded ice; you can’t go on and on, even though the surface permits a gathering of speed which can only be for the purpose of heading forwards without hindrance.

Žižek has been saying this as long ago as 1989 when his first book in English appeared. There is no balanced, organic state that we as humans intrude on, transforming creaturely instincts into monstrous drive. This is the error subscribed to by believers in a Western-style Buddhism and all the New Age claptrap about getting back to our real self and restoring some inner harmony that has been upset by desire and consumerist lust. Western Buddhism operates like a fetish by allowing its believers to happily cooperate with capitalism by allowing them to mistakenly think they are not really caught up in its soulless logic. And this is the soft allure of Tibet for Californian-style Buddhists, the place where the lost object-cause of desire is to be found, the exotic location of an ultimate spiritual wisdom. Try telling the victims of a tsunami about Mother Earth and the need to balance ying and yang. Imbalance and excess are always there, a natural malfunction, the Real of the inherent inconsistency, the ‘deadlock of pure simultaneity’ which the Symbolic strives defensively to domesticate. Time, the horizon for the structures of our life is the attempt to grasp eternity through symbolization, excluding it through an act of repression. Christianity can look to the Incarnation, the mortality of Christ in time, as proof that eternity is possible: there is salvation and a coming to terms with the Real through Redemption.

This is not the Christianity that Žižek finds interesting and he turns for inspiration to St. Paul and to St. Luke’s Gospel (14.26) for an understanding of agape as political love, the need to uncouple oneself from the social hierarchy (‘If anyone come to me and does not hate his father and mother, his wife and his children, his brothers and sisters-yes, even his own life-he cannot be my disciple’). The supposed equilibrium of ‘an eye for an eye’ is rejected and St. Paul turns instead to a community of outcasts. This is not a Buddhist-like inner contemplative state but active love rooted in a community. St Paul’s call for a community of believers struggling to create a new order of existence chimes with Žižek’s belief that a radical politics will only emerge when accompanied by a commitment to the creation of a new structure of subjectivity. One of the pleasures of reading The Puppet and the Dwarf and The Monstrosity of Christ is that Žižek steps in where Dawkins does not tread and positions belief as an act that arises from a decision and this is why he likes to refer to Pascal’s advice to agnostics that they should act as if they believe and they will come to really believe. Belief, not guaranteed by knowledge, is an action, a decision manifested, and it comes before belief as an inward state of mind (which, by the way, helps explain why Wittgenstein’s favourite type of film was the Western, a genre whose aesthetic is grounded on just such an insight). A ritual, like that of getting down on one’s knees to pray, retroactively produces the idea that the ritual was observed because of one’s belief when really it is the other way round. Žižek the avowed atheist wants to appropriate the radical theology that is in Christianity and reclaim it from the repressive clutches of the Church.

The Puppet And The Dwarf is an important and eminently readable book for the way it clarifies Žižek’s radical theology. Žižek’s jokes are legion but one worth retelling in this context concerns three Russian political prisoners in a cell, one of whom explains how he has been sentenced to five years for opposing Popov (a real victim of Stalin’s purges) while the second, prey to a change in the party line, is serving ten years for supporting him and the third trumps them by announcing he has been jailed for life and he is Popov; this is shifted onto a theological plane with ‘I was thrown to the lions in the arena for believing in Christ!’ ‘I was burned at the stake for ridiculing Christ’ ‘I died on a cross, and I am Christ!’ When we share the moment on the cross and realize there is no paternal, transcendent Other, divine or otherwise, to provide answers, then Christianity becomes ‘the religion of atheism’.

For Žižek, Christ’s moment on the cross bespeaks a universe lacking the wholeness that could bind being into a totality, a cosmic dissonance and impotence, an encounter with the Real that throws everything out of joint. The obscene superego has always kept secret the impotence of the big Other but Christ reveals this secret (there is no bigger big Other than God) and Christianity jettisons the split between the official symbolic order and its unofficial obscene supplement. This tumbling of the symbolic order brings ethics into play, presenting the subject with a choice: to disavow the moment and retreat or to accept the encounter and reboot, reorganizing the coordinates of the symbolic universe that structure identities. Figures as different as St. Paul and Lenin rose to the challenge because they discerned the parallax gap that makes a new beginning possible. They also bear testimony to the need for an ethical commitment to eternal ideas of universality, of the kind preached by St. Paul and made available by the death of Christ and the coming of the Holy Ghost, a community of believers functioning without the need for a master signifier. Žižek employs the language of Christianity because secular humanism cannot give force to the theological form of thought that allows us to say that ‘it is not we who are acting, but a higher force that is acting through us’. This is not the big Other but a sense of collective purpose that would be part of a new structure of subjectivity. The legacy of Christ’s death on the cross is God as the final ethical agency who leaves us with the burden and duty of organizing our existence and retaining fidelity to a Cause. Communism is both this Cause and the fidelity necessary to create and sustain it. The idea that Christ’s death as a human brings about a sublation and the rebirth of the Holy Spirit is reinscribed by Žižek who sees instead the Spirit as ‘a virtual entity’, a ‘subjective presupposition’ that, like Communism, actualizes itself when subjects assume its existence and act accordingly. This in essence is Žižek’s Hegelian theology–

What is sublated in the move from the Son to Holy Spirit is thus God himself: after the
Crucifixion, the death of God incarnate, the universal God returns as a Spirit of the community of believers, i.e., he is the one who passes from being a transcendent substantial Reality to a virtual / ideal entity which exists only as the “presupposition” of acting individuals. The standard perception of Hegel as an organicist holist who thinks that really existing individuals are just “predicates” of some “higher” substantial Whole, epiphenomena of the Spirit as a mega-Subject who effectively runs the show, totally misses this crucial point.

– and the conclusion it leads to is that ‘only atheists can truly believe’ because only atheists can abandon the big Other of a higher Reality and yet still believe in a Cause. Similarly, in a way that Žižek emphasises by quoting the anarchist Durutti-‘The only church that illuminates is a burning church’-and transposing its anti-clericalism to signify how only Christianity makes available a space deep enough to bury the big Other, ‘a true religion arrives at its truth only through its self-cancellation’. With a shift of perspective that sees divinity in humanity, the Resurrection becomes not some longed-for moment in the future but, in the transformation of our life on earth, something that has already happened. Žižek reads passages from St. Paul in this Hegelian fashion and the biblical story of Job is similarly interpreted. Job does not accept his fate, he doubts and disbelieves and rejects the rational explanations proffered by the ideologues who visit him, and like Christ his suffering is meaningless. Sublation (Aufhebung) is achieved when the institutional Church is cast off and fidelity to the authentic, atheistic experience it embodies-the realization there is absolutely no big Other-is fully acknowledged and faithfully kept alive.

The story of Job is returned to in the first of the two essays by Žižek in The Monstrosity of Christ, a book whose subtitle, Paradox or Dialectic?, clearly signals the kind of theological concerns raised in The Puppet And The Dwarf. The plight of Job is seen as parallel to Christ, a case of ‘double kenosis’ wherein the gap separating man from God is the distance of God from himself and this divine self-alienation is an aspect of the emergence of subjectivity. The second essay, ‘Dialectical Clarity versus the Misty Ground of Paradox’, concludes Žižek’s argument with John Milbank, the theologian whose essays make up the other part of The Monstrosity of Christ.

Žižek’s objection to celebrations of post-modernity and how we should all construct our own versions of who we are is that such paeans to plasticity do not contest but complement the fluid dynamics of contemporary capitalism. Notions of identity that speak of plurality and the nomadic reflect the world we live in but changing this world involves a different vocabulary, the kind found in St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans (7.7) that states how sin cannot be divorced from law because prohibition engenders desire for what is prohibited. This Hegelian move leads to St. Paul asking if we should not carry on sinning for the sake of increasing grace (6.1); God being our saviour only if we indulge in sin. Žižek spells out how St. Paul’s insight and his alarm at its implications leads to a subject divided between willingly obeying the law while unconscious desiring to break with it. The conscious obedient self has in a sense ‘died’ because it is the impulse to sin that affirms itself and when St. Paul asks ‘how shall we who died to sin live in it’ (6.2) Žižek reformulates his question: ‘How would it be possible for me to experience my life-impulse not as a foreign automatism, as a blind “compulsion to repeat”, making me transgress the law, with the unacknowledged complicity of the law itself, but as a fully subjectivized, positive “Yes!” to my life?’ Žižek warms to St. Paul’s call for deliverance from the superego, the ‘way of the flesh’ generated by the law, through a suspension of the big Other that allows for everything but which, mediated by the love that is the ‘way of the spirit’, disciplines choice: ‘All things are lawful for me, but not all things beneficial. All things are lawful for me, but I will not be dominated by anything’ (1 Cor. 6:12). What is valued here, amongst other things, is the stress on responsibility, risk-taking and the making of a decision - the qualities that endear Žižek to Westerns like Delmer Daves’ 3:10 to Yuma and The Hanging Tree and Zack Snyder’s 300 — and the unconditional love that St. Paul speaks of can translate into the idea of communism.

A reader might wonder why Žižek turns to theology instead of just outlining his ideas in terms of a humanist project. The reason is that he sees humanism as contained within limits that exclude changing what seems unchangeable; notions that speak of realizing one’s potential, discovering the true Self, do not allow for a return to the very beginning and a reinvention of the Self - ‘in short, to change Eternity itself (what we “always-already are”)’ - whereas theology is a name for just such a dimension, one that engages with fundamental issues about subjectivity and belief, i.e the necessary conditions for a transformation of the socio-economic system. These fundamental issues lead to the bedrock upon which our universe of meaning is built, the presuppositions that have always already been made and the orientations already taken, the primordial fantasy that shapes the contours by which we live, and Christianity’s act of faith is the belief that the fantasy can be traversed, the orientation transformed: ‘the Christian “Good News (Gospel)” is that it is possible to suspend the burden of the past, to cut the ropes which tie us to our past deeds, to wipe the slate and begin again from zero … a New Beginning is possible.’ Christian theology creates the ontological space for political revolution and the basis for a materialist account of change. Talk of God creating the world ex nihilo is not mystical nonsense since ‘God is already there’ and designates the paradox of ‘Something (a meaningful order) “miraculously” emerging out of nothing from the preceding chaos’. Žižek’s theological turn does not destroy the concept of God as a condition of intelligibility but reconfigures it.

Pagan notions of the divine, like Western concepts of Buddhism, provide contentment from the sense of an attainable spiritual perfection and cannot reach this materialist realm which, instead of figuring a journey towards the truth, embraces the uncomfortable idea of an encounter that breaks with the pretence of balance and harmony. Some of the ancient Greeks understood this, as in this epitaph quoted by John Casey in his recent book After Lives: A Guide to Heaven, Hell and Purgatory:

Do not pass by my epitaph, wayfarer
But stand, listen, and when you have heard,

go on your way.

There is no boat in Hades, no ferryman

Charon…

All of us who have died and gone below
Are bones and ashes, nothing else.

Audio of Balibar's recent lecture

Étienne Balibar – Eleven Theses on Marx and Marxism | Backdoor Broadcasting Company

Facinating talk by Étienne Balibar author of The Philosophy of Marx (Verso) who provides an updating of his thoughts on how Marx is considered now.


Title: Eleven Theses on Marx and Marxism

Introduction by Peter Osborne

Talk by Étienne Balibar

Questions

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Of welfare queens and princes




Meet the right royal scroungers




They’re bone idle, filthy rich and live in palaces, explains Tom Walker, Junior assistant royal reporter

  • They live in a palace
  • You hand them £180 million every year
  • ...and now they want YOU to pay for their wedding

She sits in a £1 billion palace—the most valuable house in the world—surrounded by priceless crystal chandeliers and furniture lined with GOLD. And you’ve paid for all of it.

Grandmother-of-eight Queen Elizabeth II has made a career out of having kids and getting the state to fund them.

This “Shameless” super scrounger hasn’t done an honest day’s work in her life—an incredible 82 years.

But that hasn’t stopped her raking in more than £450,000 a DAY to fund her lavish lifestyle.

We’re all paying for her sponger clan’s luxury lifestyle—and now they want us to cough up for a WEDDING too.

Liz’s grandson William and his girlfriend Kate Middleton plan to spend a massive £100 million on the big day—and they want you to foot the bill.

William proposed to Kate last year while they were enjoying a luxury holiday in Kenya—at our expense.

He has been claiming handouts since he left college six years ago—even though he has a sneaky job on the side as a pilot.

Love

When he proposed, William managed to produce an engagement ring worth £32 MILLION.

“It’s a sapphire with some diamonds,” he boasted.

In a depressing portrait of “Broken Britain”, he admitted to wanting kids of his own—so he can coin in even more of our cash.

“Obviously we want a family so we’ll have to start thinking about that,” he said.

He has already spent thousands on a secret stag party.

And Kate was caught parading up and down the posh King’s Road last week splashing our cash.

The only proper job she’s ever had was part-time in clothes shop Jigsaw.

But she gave it up four years ago, saying she needed “some time to herself”.

Despite refusing to get a job like everyone else, the family can afford to book up the whole of London’s posh Goring hotel.

Kate’s family and friends will spend the night before the

wedding living it up in its expensive rooms—at your expense.

Honour

Roads across London will be forced to close as the sickening spongers joyride to the ceremony—in PRICELESS carriages.

They’ll say “I do” in the ornate Westminster Abbey.

And after that they have invited hundreds of their sponger friends back to their pad to live it up and scoff expensive food.

More than 20 chefs will serve TEN THOUSAND canapes to their guests—including smoked salmon on beetroot blinis and quails’ eggs.

Edward Griffiths, who is helping to organise the wedding, said guests will be handed champagne “from the moment they arrive”.

Then they plan to party late into the night—turning their state-funded mansion into a nightclub, complete with DJ, dance floor and a cocktail bar.

Kate has a taste for pina coladas, while more experienced drinker William prefers a vodka cranberry.

They’ve invited 300 to the all-night rave.

A source says: “William and Kate have been working on a playlist... they want some cheesy songs during the night.”

“It’s about enjoying myself as much as I can,” boasts William.

As they celebrate, they will proudly show off their “benefits heaven” home, STUFFED with expensive gear.

The wedding reception will spread across multiple rooms, but the focus will be in their paintings gallery—full of works by Canaletto, Rembrandt and Rubens.

Obey

Jennifer Scott, who gets paid thousands just to look after the pictures, says the rooms “drip with opulence”.

She adds: “They really are intended to make people think ‘Wow, this is an incredible palace.’

“This is a palace that was intended to impress.”

And at the centre of it all will be not one but TWO enormous wedding cakes.

The biggest cake, a multi-tiered monster, has taken two months to make—and it weighs more than a sumo wrestler.

After the wedding they’ll no doubt go on an expensive honeymoon, perhaps to their favourite Caribbean island resort, Mustique.

There they like to relax in an ultra-exclusive £2,000-a-night cliff-top villa—complete with its own pool, a team of staff and a private BEACH.

They once managed to go on two holidays to the plush resort in the space of a month. A pal said they had “the time of their lives”.

It’s all in a day’s “work” for these royal scroungers.


She’s the queen of spongers

The “queen of the spongers” lives with her layabout husband Phillip. He hasn’t worked since 1951.

Her four kids and eight grandkids have all been paid for by you and me.

But while the rest of us feel the pinch, the government keeps generously rewarding this sickening bunch for not lifting a finger.

Scam

“Royals have roles, not jobs,” a pal of Prince Andrew explains. In other words they don’t have to do a stroke of work unless they feel like it.

The “Civil List” scam alone nets the family £40 million a year—but once all the handouts are added up, the total is £180 MILLION.

You’d think the 1,000‑room Windsor Castle would be enough for anyone. But Liz has splurged on 12 massive homes.

And still these jobless royals complain that they don’t get ENOUGH. The queen has told pals that she wants even more cash.

“The queen, without any shadow of a doubt, needs substantially more money,” whined Tory friend of the royals Edward Leigh.

The government pledged to abolish the potty payouts—but then revealed it would just replace them with “Sovereign Support Grant” handouts.

The queen even tried to claim a poverty benefit to heat her mansions—demanding £60 million of energy grants aimed at people on low incomes.

A neighbour said: “They are all take, take, take. It’s disgusting.

“The system has gone seriously wrong when one family is costing us so much.”


‘He is everything I despise–he’s black’

William’s brother Harry infamously revealed his political sympathies when he went to a party dressed as a NAZI.

He claimed it was just a “joke”—but he has since been caught calling people “Pakis” and “ragheads”.

Prince Phillip, the grandfather of the scrounger clan, is also an infamous RACIST.

He once told some students in China they’d go “slitty-eyed” if they stayed.

And meeting a black man from Birmingham, he asked, “What exotic part of the world do you come from?”

Racism is a royal family tradition that goes back generations.

Tedious

The Queen Mother spent her whole life calling black people “nig-nogs”.

And Prince William’s great uncle, King Edward VIII, was pals with HITLER and openly supported the Nazis.

More recently, the queen’s sister Princess Margaret even walked out of Schindler’s List in the first few minutes—calling it “a tedious film about Jews”. She advised her butler not to see it.

“I don’t want to hear another word about Jews or the Holocaust,” she said. “I heard enough during the war. I never want to hear about it again. Ever.”

When she met the president of Guyana, she said, “He’s everything I despise—he’s black and he’s married to a Jew.”


Gangsters on the guest list

The wedding will be a get‑together for some of the most dangerous families in the world.

Prince Salman of Bahrain had accepted the invite—he pulled out just hours before he was due to fly to London.

Bahrain has launched murderous crackdowns on protest in recent weeks.

But Prince Mohamed of Saudi Arabia, which has helped Bahrain massacre protesters, is still coming.

And prime minister David Cameron will be there to greet him.

He’ll be wearing his full toff tails—perhaps because William’s old Eton housemaster Dr Andrew Gailey will be there to tell him off if he doesn’t.


What you bought ’em

how many?what?
1,900Wedding guests
600At the reception
300Will party the night away
5,000Police to guard them
8State cars
5Horse-drawn carriages
2Huge cakes
2Choirs
2Fanfare teams and an orchestra

The following should be read alongside this article:

Royal wedding: a match made in heaven!

Does a monarchy make a difference?

30th anniversary of 1981 Irish Hunger Strike

source

`One of the most heroic chapters in human history’
FIDEL CASTRO ON THE 1981 IRISH HUNGER STRIKE


ON September 15, 1981 Cuban President Fidel Castro gave the opening speech to the 68th conference of the Interparliamentary Union in Havana, in which he made remarks on the hunger strike:

`In speaking of international politics, we cannot ignore what is happening in Northern Ireland. I feel it is my duty to refer to this problem. In my opinion, Irish patriots are writing one of the most heroic chapters in human history.

They have earned the respect and admiration of the world, and likewise they deserve its support. Ten of them have already died in the most moving gesture of sacrifice, selflessness and courage one could ever imagine.

Humanity should feel ashamed that this terrible crime is being committed before its very eyes. These young fighters do not ask for independence or make impossible demands to put an end to their strike.

They ask only for something as simple as the recognition of what they actually are: political prisoners…

The stubbornness, intransigence, cruelty and insensitivity of the British Government before the international community concerning the problem of the Irish patriots and their hunger strike until death remind us of Torquemada and the atrocities committed by the Inquisition during the apogee of the Middle Ages…

Most tyrants tremble before men who are capable of dying for their ideals, after 60 days on hunger strike!...

It is high time for the world community to put an end to this repulsive atrocity through denunciation and pressure.’

FIDEL CASTRO




The 1981 Irish Hunger Strike - ‘one of the most heroic chapters in human history’

This year will mark the 30th Anniversary of the 1981 Hunger strike, in which Bobby Sands and nine other republican prisoners died in a struggle for political status against the Thatcher government’s brutal policy of `criminalisation’. The Hunger strike was a critical turning point in the most prolonged struggle against colonialism anywhere in history – the more than 800-year-long struggle against British rule in Ireland. This historic moment in Irish history, which ultimately saw the victory of the Hunger striker’s demands was indeed, as Fidel Castro described that year `one of the most heroic chapters in human history’.

Indeed, the Hunger strike set in course a process which had previously occurred only at the very highest points of the nationalist struggle, such as the civil rights movement. Through immense courage and sacrifice, the events of 1981 definitively broke the isolation of the nationalist struggle and saw a huge international impact – more than any other event in the previous 40 years. In the south, as Gerry Adams recently pointed out, it saw an electoral breakthrough with the election of two Hunger strikers to the Dail. As he describes, it de facto broke the domination of government by a single party in the south and from 1981 onwards coalition was the order of the day and, as he puts it, saw `the beginning of the slow decline of Fianna Fail as the dominant political force in that part of the island’.

It defeated the Tory government’s policy of criminalisation by showing how there was mass political support for the hunger strike – when Bobby Sands was elected as MP for Fermanagh South Tyrone with 10,000 more votes that Thatcher herself.

Emerging from this struggle, a strategy was developed by the Sinn Fein leadership, based on the primacy of politics, building political strength including in elections, and winning support throughout Ireland.

Indeed since then, the British state has faced the relentless political advance of the national struggle, and rise in support for Sinn Fein in the north, and in the south. It is significant that the Assembly elections in the north will take place on 5 May – thirty years to the day since the death of Bobby Sands – and an election which is likely to see Sinn Fein maintain and very likely improve upon its political support.

The development of the peace process stategy, which culminated in the Good Friday Agreement, has strengthened the struggle towards Irish unity and resulted in the British government accepting the future possibility of a united Ireland. This is the legacy of 1981, and a political process which is still unfolding.

In marking the anniversary of the Hunger strike, the conference in London on 18 June, hosted by Sinn Fein, will be a timely opportunity to both commemorate this key event and to learn lessons from what is an advancing and ongoing struggle for self-determination. Sinn Fein’s platform, a progressive left-wing agenda of Irish unity and equality, should be supported. The party is also one of the few in Europe to also clearly put forward an economic alternative which proposes growth and investment not cuts and austerity.

Moreover, the lessons of 1981 also mean understanding the need for solidarity against imperialist war and intervention today. With speakers who were directly involved in the struggle at the time, including former political prisoners, those involved in the international movement in solidarity with the hunger strike, leading political figures, writers and activists, the event will discuss the impact of the Hunger strike and developments in the intervening period. It will touch on the wider international agenda and parallels and the next steps in taking the struggle forward today.